of the parliaments of both countries, placed the connexion between them upon a solid and permanent basis, had not produced the effects expected from that solemn settlement; and also intimating, that his majesty's faithful commons, having strong reason to believe that it was in the contemplation of his ministers to propose an union of the legislatures of the two kingdoms, notwithstanding the said adjustment, felt it to be their bounden duty, impressed as they were with the most serious apprehensions of the consequences of such a proceeding at this time, to take the earliest opportunity humbly to implore his majesty not to listen to the counsel of those who should advise or promote such a measure at the present crisis, and under the present circumstances of the empire.

Mr. CANNING was the next speaker in this debate. He first answered the allegations of Mr. Sheridan with regard to the adjustment of the year 1782. That agreement, he said, was termed final in one of the resolutions then adopted; but, from a subsequent vote, it appeared that the idea of establishing some more permanent system was not relinquished. An attention to the true import of this vote would remove all imputation of impropriety and inconsistency from the measure now proposed.-He then referred to the remarks of the anti-ministerial orator on the situation of Ireland, on the difficulties which would attend any attempt to carry a measure of this nature into execution, and on the little advantage that would arise if it should be effected. That the situation of Ireland was at all times a matter of great importance to Britain, was, said Mr. Canning, a point that required no argument to prove; but, after the numerous and momentous events which

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had been witnessed within a short period, this country was more particularly interested in whatever concerned that kingdom. The events to which he alluded were too notorious to render it necessary for him to enlarge upon them. A most foul rebellion had broken out in that country, which, by the wise and vigorous measures of government, had been checked, though not totally quelled; party heats and animosities still existed; factions still remained, whofe leaders did not merely aim at the expulsion of this or that set of ministers, who aimed not at a partial reform of this or that political abuse, real or pretended ;-but whose views threatened the annihilation of the government and constitution of Ireland, and the total ruin of all connexion between that country and this? All who reflected on these circumstances could not but feel how deeply interested Great-Britain must be in the fate of Ireland. To convince any one who entertained a doubt of the existence of such a conspiracy, he would not recur to the verdicts of juries, but to evidence that would leave no doubt in the mind of any impartial man-evidence which would show that legal acquittal was not always a proof of moral innocence. He would prove the existence of a confpiracy, not for catholic emancipation or parliamentary reform, but for the total subversion of the government, and for the complete separation of the two countries. He would prove this by the avowals of self-convicted traitors-avowals, not proceeding from a penitence for past guilt-not from a regret of the evils which they had brought upon the nation-not from an apprehension of the misfortunes which might ensue-not from a wish to save their country from the calamitous consequences of their own wicked

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wickedness-No; such was not, he was sorry to say, the spirit with which those avowals were made. The seditious leaders still faid to themfelves," Though you have for the present defeated the treasonable plans which we were pursuing, we are not wholly divested of hope: though you have detected our plots (plots which, except for the vigilance of parliament and of the executive government, would have laid the capital of the country in ashes, and destroyed every thing that was valuable or dear to the inhabitants); though you have so far succeeded in discovering our conspiracies, still we have hopes; much remains behind: though we have failed in the execution of our projects, we console ourselves with the idea that they will at one time. er other be accomplished." After the detection,' (said Mr. Canning), of these deep and damned plots, is it not a matter of urgent necessity to devise and adopt the most effectual means of counteracting the pernicious consequences that might otherwise flow from them --consequences that not only affect the continuance of the connexion between the two countries, but which deeply strike at the prosperity and very existence of both?'

Hence,' this speaker added, the high importance of the object was evident. It was not the making of a provincial regulation, the adjustment of an internal difference, or the arrangement of a plan for balancing parties; it was nothing less than to secure Ireland to us and to herself, and thus to promote the happiness and security of the whole empire. Instead of the strange mode of proceeding which the honorable gentleman had adopted, by requesting the house to treat a proposition of this immense importance with such unprecedented

cedented contempt, it would have been more fair and candid to point out the imperfections of the plan, and to wait for a communication of the particulars of that measure which he wished the house to reject without hearing. It would be a more statesman-like mode of proceeding-it would be more consistent with that patriotism which the honorable gentleman professed, and for which he was willing to give him credit-deliberately to examine this plan before he would reject it, and then, if he could suggest any other scheme by which such a desirable object could be attained, to state it for the consideration of the house. He had not, however, said that he possessed any such plan; and therefore the house ought not to reject the discussion of that which was now proposed to them. In forming an opinion upon this momentous subject, Mr. Canning said, that he should endeavour to collect all possible information from persons the best acquainted with the state of the kingdom. It was far from his wish, in the discussion of this question, to take any uncandid advantage; and therefore he was very willing to admit, that the proposition to be laid before the house would certainly be in the nature of an union. The rebellion which had existed could be repelled only by force; but, on the supposition of its being entirely quelled, he would ask any man, what he deemed the probable issue of the agitations that distracted that country. In this part of the argument he could not avoid alluding to a book which Mr. Sheridan had attributed to the office in Ireland. The honorable gentleman seemed to think the author of that work highly inconsistent in endeavouring to persuade two great bodies of people that their interests were mutually reconcileable. But it did not really appear to Mr. Can

ning, on consideration of the present state of Ireland, that there was any thing either impolitic or inconsistent in such an attempt. As the best mode of obtaining information was, to ask the parties most interested in the affair, he would first ask those who were the warmest advocates for the protestant ascendency. Of a work written by a learned and ingenious man (Dr. Duigenan), he observed, that one of more convincing argument and more sound truth he had never seen. The author, he thought, had confuted his antagonist, Mr. Grattan, in the completest manner. In speaking thus of Dr. Duigenan, he did it without partiality, because he did not know whether that gentleman was friendly to the union or not. The doctor was well known to be decidedly hostile to the pretensions of the catholics, insisting on their exclusion from a share in the legisla ture, or in any of the great offices of state; but he admitted at the same time that the necessity of that exclusion would be done away by the adoption of some plan similar to that proposed in his majesty's message. It was stated by him as an unavoidable alternative, either that such a plan must be adopted, or that some other must be devised for the confirmation of the protestant ascendency. Either the laws against popery, he thought, ought to be fully re-enacted, or an union must be carried into effect. If the latter scheme should be adopted, the re-enactment would be unnecessary. The protestant party seemed willing to adopt an union, or, in failure of it, to continue a struggle for every thing dear to them in rights and pre-eminence, and in religion; without an union, the catholic body would continue a contest for complete emancipation.

Here then were two parties in opposition to each other, agreeing, however, in one common opinion. But