existing connexion. This, he said, was not merely an union of the crowns, but also of the entire executive governments; and the British control over Ireland was so strong, that, for the augmentation of it, the extinction of the legislature of the sister kingdom did not seem to be requisite. The danger of occasional disagreement between the parliaments had, indeed, been emphatically pressed; yet he was not disposed to dread a peril so distant or so visionary. From the case of the regency false conclusions had been drawn. The Irish had acted wisely in conferring on the regent a greater share of power and influence than appeared to be necessary in Britain; and no part of their conduct led to the risque of a separation of the realms.-The parliament of Ireland, it was said, had been influenced by faction. This was a vague charge, and would not stand the test of candid examination. In refuting this aspersion, Dr. Laurence took an opportunity of vindicating Mr. Grattan from the suspicion of seditious machinations or treasonable delinquency.

He afterwards examined the adjustment of which so much had been said. He did not mean to argue, that it could debar the Irish from accepting the offer of an union; but he affirmed, that, whatever additional arrangements might have been intended by its framers, no scheme inconsistent with the independence then recognised was entertained by those statesmen.

He then contended for the probability of a gradual removal of the chief evils of Ireland, without the risque of an obtruded union. From the year 1782 to the late rebellion, arts and civilisation had made a great progress in that country; and, though the disastrous commotions had checked improvement in those respects, the return of tranquillity re-invigorated the hopes of

all who looked forward to the increase of national

prosperity.

In discussing the question of catholic emancipation, he leaned to the side of indulgence and concession. He lamented the recall of earl Fitzwilliam at a time when there was a prospect of obtaining the acquiescence of the Irish parliament in the claims of the catholics; and he still thought that their wishes might be gratified by the existing legislature without danger to the protestant interest.

We may sum up the remainder of this gentleman's speech by intimating, that, as the very proposal had thrown Ireland into a state of violent fermentation, he pronounced it rash and impolitic to record in the journals of our parliament any determination whatever on the subject; that, on one account above all others, he deprecated a continuance of discussion, as it was promotive of inquiries into the competence of parliaments under the constitution of these realms, and into the abstract rights of the people under the fundamental laws of civil society-inquiries which might prove very dangerous in these unsettled times; that, adverting to our revolution, he developed his own political creed, which was that of a moderate whig; that he condemned the mode of proceeding in the present business as less regular and judicious than that which had been pursued in the case of the Scotish union; and, drawing a contrast between the circumstances of the respective countries at that conjuncture and at this period, represented an union, in the former case, as necessary for preventing a war or a total separation, while he denied the existence of such necessity in the case of Ireland.

The division which followed this debate exhibited a

great

great difference of number; for only 19 appeared against the progress of the union, while 131 voted for it.

Weary of debate, the house merely formed a committee, and then adjourned. The next day, before the speaker left the chair, Mr. Sheridan, referring to some observations which had occurred in former discussions, delivered his decided opinions, importing that, besides the multiplied perils which would attend the prosecution of the scheme of union at the present time, it would never be a desirable measure, as it would not augment the prosperity of either country, and might endanger the liberties of both; and that, whatever might be the competency of the British parliament to accept the surrender of the independence of another legislature, that of Ireland had no right, consistently with its duty to the people whom it represented, to resign its separate existence.

When Mr. Douglas had taken the chair, Mr. BANKES signified his objections to an union. He represented Ireland as being in such a disordered state, that it was not only inexpedient but unsafe to coalesce with her. An union, he said, would not remedy her evils; but her own parliament might gradually redress her grievances. That legislature ought to retrace some of its steps, and, drawing a line between the disaffected and the loyal catholics, re-enact restrictive laws against the former, while the latter should be admitted to all the privileges now enjoyed by the protestants. British intrigue and faction ought also to be studiously checked in Ireland, as they had been productive of much evil. The proposed incorporation, he thought, would not tend to tranquillise that country: it would perhaps increase the number of the enemies of the government, and not

add any real strength to the empire. The connexion, from the unity of the executive power, was sufficiently close to prevent a material discordancy of sentiment in great political questions; and commercial advantage would likewise contribute to bind Ireland to GreatBritain.

The Speaker of the house (Mr. ADDINGTON *) then addressed the committee. Far from agreeing with his friend, Mr. Bankes, either in his opinion of the insecurity of any union which might be at this time effected, or in his assertion of the adequacy of the Hibernian legislature to the redress of those grievances which required parliamentary interposition, he was convinced, from the situation of Ireland at this moment, not merely of the expediency, but of the urgent necessity of an union, and was firmly of opinion, that, though the parliament of that kingdom might of itself redress some grievances and remove some causes of irritation, there were radical and inherent evils for which nothing but an incorporation of the two legislatures could provide a remedy. The state of Ireland, he said, had at no period of its history been such as to afford satisfaction to any mind that could justly appreciate the blessings of a well-ordered, a flourishing, and a happy condition of civil society. The bounty of Providence had, indeed, been displayed in that country by a fertile soil, and by abundant means of internal improvement and prosperity. Its inhabitants were not less distinguished than those of Great-Britain, in corresponding stations of life, for eloquence, for literary and scientific attainments, and for those talents and exertions which had established the naval and military

* Now first commissioner of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer,

renown

renown of the British empire. Their form of go vernment was the same as our own; but it wanted its true characteristics; it did not, like ours, bestow and receive general confidence and protection; for it was not connected by ties which, he trusted, were here indissoluble, with the obvious interests, the feelings and the sentiments of the great body of the people.'

He then traced the origin and progress of that animosity which had led to insurrection and rebellion; but, as there was nothing new in this part of his speech, or in his sketch of the concessions of Great-Britain to Ireland in the reign of his present majesty, we shall pass onward to his succeeding observations. The settlement of the year 1782 having loosened the ancient ties of connexion between the kingdoms, without substituting any others in their place, it was necessary, he said, to pursue a different plan. Three schemes had been proposed for the benefit of Ireland, and for the improvement and perpetuation of her connexion with this country. These related to the emancipation of the catholics, to the re-enactment, either partial or total, of the laws against popery, and to the incorporation of the parliaments of the two realms. The first scheme, according to the general opinions and views of its advocates, included a parliamentary reform; and, as it tended to take the influence from property, and give it to numbers, it threatened great injury, if not ruin, to the protestant interest. He was not one of those who were unwilling to remove the real grounds of complaint against the protestant ascendency; but he was strongly disinclined to a scheme which might expose that establishment to immediate and perhaps inevitable danger. Indeed, the only measure which promised to secure the protestants, and at the same time to favor the catholics

in