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III.- For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the succession to the monarchy and the imperial crown of the said united kingdom shall continue limited and settled, in the same manner as the imperial crown of the said kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, according to the existing laws, and to the terms of the union between England and Scotland. IV.- For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the said united kingdom be represented in one and the same parliament, to be styled the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland; and that such a number of lords spiritual and temporal, and such a number of members of the house of commons, as shall be hereafter agreed upon by acts of the respective parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and vote in the said parliament on the part of Ireland, and shall be summoned, chosen, and returned, in such manner as shall be fixed by an act of the parliament of Ireland previous to the said union; and that every member hereafter to sit and vote in the said parliament of the united kingdom shall, until the said parliament shall otherwise provide, take and subscribe the same oaths, and make the same declarations, as are by law required to be taken, subscribed, and made, by the members of the parliaments of Great-Britain and Ireland. V.—‘For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the churches of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof, shall be preserved as now by law established. Vl,— For the same purpose it would be fit to proPose, that his majesty's subjects in Ireland shall at all times hereafter be entitled to the same privileges, and be

be on the same footing in respect of trade and navigation, in all ports and places belonging to GreatBritain, and in all cases with respect to which treaties shall be made by his majesty, his heirs or successors, with any foreign power, as his majesty's subjects in Great-Britain ; that no duty shall be imposed on the import or export between Great-Britain and Ireland of any articles now duty-free; and that on other articles there shall be established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate of equal duties as shall, previous to the union, be agreed upon and approved by the respective parliaments, subject, after the expiration of such limited time, to be diminished equally with respect to both kingdoms, but in no case to be increased ; that all articles which may at any time hereafter be imported into Great-Britain from foreign parts, shall be importable through either kingdom into the other, subject to the like duties and regulations as if the same were imported directly from foreign parts; that where any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either kingdom, are subject to any internal duty in one kingdom, such countervailing duties (over and above any duties on import to be fixed as aforesaid) shall be imposed as shall be necessary to prevent any inequality in that respect; and that all other matters of trade and commerce other than the foregoing, and than such others as may before the union be specially agreed upon for the due encouragement of the agriculture and manufactures of the respective, kingdoms, shall remain to be regulated from time to time by the united parliament. VII— For the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that the charge arising from the payment of the interest terest, or sinking fund for the reduction of the principal, of the debt incurred in either kingdom before the union, shall continue to be separately defrayed by Great-Britain and Ireland respectively; that, for a number of years to be limited, the future ordinary expences of the united kingdom, in peace or war, shall be defrayed by Great-Britain and Ireland jointly, according to such proportions as shall be established by the respective parliaments previous to the union; and that, after the expiration of the time to be so limited, the proportion shall not be liable to be varied, except according to such rates and principles as shall be in like manner agreed upon previous to the union. VIII.-‘ For the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that all laws in force at the time of the union, and all the courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms, shall remain as now by law established within the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations from time to time as

circumstances may appear to the parliament of the united kingdom to require.”

An address was intended to accompany the resolutions, stating that the commons had proceeded with great zeal to the consideration of the important objects recommended in the royal message; that they entertained a firm persuasion of the probable benefits of a complete union between Great-Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles; and that they were therefore induced to lay before his majesty such propositions as appeared to them to be best calculated to form the basis of such a settlement, leaving it to his wisdom, in due time and in a proper manner, to communicate them to the lords and commons of Ireland, with whom they would be at all times ready to concur in all such measures as might be found most conducive to the accomplishment of this great and salutary work. Mr. SHERIDAN, having cautioned the house against the seductive force of the minister's oratorical talents, which, he was apprehensive, might mislead the less judicious part of the assembly into an assent or concurrence that cool reason would condemn, renewed his protest against the scheme of union. He contended, that, in the present state of Ireland, it was not only impolitic but unsafe to urge the discussion of a scheme which would affect the independence of a spirited people. It was a bold experiment, he said, to drive a whole nation into a measure of so delicate and so important a nature. There would perhaps be greater difficulty than the court expected to find, in rendering the Irish insensible of the duty which they owed to themselves, of the rights of the present generation and the interests of the race yet unborn, and of the ambition, arrogance, and tyranny, of those who should inflict the blow or direct the torture. The minister might have secured his minions; but it would be expedient for him to measure his power by the force of his antagonists, and, in estimating his means of victory, to seek an antidote against national pride and local attachments. The consideration of the fate of the question, when it was lately agitated in Ireland, might reasonably induce him to desist from the prosecution of the scheme; but, as he had solemnly pledged himself for the exertion of his most strenuous efforts to produce an union of the two kingdoms, it might be apprehended that he would pursue his course in defiance of every obstacle, would make use of artifice to gain his point, flatter and delude

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lude the Irish, and, by seeming to respect their declared opinion, lull them into inactivity, the more completely to subject them to slavery. But his scheme, though artfully planned, might not be successful: the delusion might recoil on the author, and involve him in the disgrace and ruin which he had prepared for others. By the pledge in question, he would place Ireland and Great-Britain in a very perilous situation. He seemed willing to put his power in competition with the force of opinion in Ireland, and to stake his existence as a minister against the independence of that kingdom. But the house, Mr. Sheridan hoped, would not be so inconsiderate as to adopt the system now recommended; a system which would cherish animosity and discord, where affection ought to be conciliated and harmony established ; which would sow dissension between the commons and the peers of Ireland—irritate the whole parliament by holding it up to view as a feeble and inefficient body, duped by English factions—and array the British house of commons against that of another realm governed by the same sovereign. The minister having accused Mr. Foster of inconsistency, in having supported the propositions of 1785, as necessary for securing the connexion between the realms, and yet opposing an incorporative union, Mr. Sheridan vindicated the Hibernian statesman from the charge, by saying that he might reasonably wish for an amicable connexion, without depriving his country of her independence. That part of Mr. Pitt's speech which seemed to menace the Irish with a loss of their commercial advantages, if they should not agree to an union, produced strong animadversions. It was evident from such hints, said his present opponent, that he hoped to carry his R. point

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