The Language of the Northumbrian Gloss to the Gospel of St. Luke

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H. Holt, 1906 - Anglo-Saxon language - 118 pages

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Page 76 - The vowel of the 2 sing., the pl. inri, and the whole optative pret. is i: arisen 4. 29, astigon 5. 19, awrigon 22. 64, awrite I 2. 13 ; with io due to u-umlaut in gebiodon 2. 38. The weak form occurs in gegrippedon 23. 26. (4) The vowel of the pret. part. is i: ofadrifen 16. 4, toslitten 5. 6, gesliten 8. 29, besmitten 14. 34, bisuicen 21. 8 ; awrigen 9. 45, anritten 4. 4. The weak form, is found in gehrined 21. 5. §99. Class II. (1) The stem-vowel of the pres.
Page 84 - The reduplicstion is obvious also in heht 5. 14, &c., gehelltes 14. 2 л, gehehte 8. 31. sceada has only weak forms of the pret. : tosceadade 24 27, tosceadde 22. 29, tosceadda I 3. 2, tosceadadon I 8. 4, tosceadon 6. 22 (where -on is for -adon). (4) The stem is eo or ea with the usual North. confusion between the two diphthongs (cf. S. 150, 3) : feoll 6. 12, feol 5. 8, feall 8. 41, 17. 29, &c., forheald 15. 29; gefeald 4. 20. ю and ese appear irregularly in gehselde 2.
Page 82 - ... 7. 38 (cf. § 53) ; pres. part., slsegendum I 5. 8 (with the g of the pret. pl. and the pret. part.). (2) The stem-vowel of the whole pret. ind. and opt. is б : onsóc 22. 57, slóg 22. 64 (with grammatical change introduced into the singular) ; ofslog 13. 4, stod 4. 39, stód 18. 11, astód 6. 8, &c., gesuor 1. 73, aiSuoh 7. 38, aiSuogh 7. 46, awox 2. 40, gcwox 1.
Page 33 - ... cf. § 43), unwoeder I 5. 18, gewoeded 1. 27, gewoefen I 4. 10, woel 12. 32 (otherwise always with e in L.). woerca I 2. 10, woercmonn 10. 7, woer 8. 38 (besides wer 2. 36), (huoelc)huoeges 20. 38, woeg 3. 4, woegum 3. 5 (besides weg 7. 27 — more frequently with e), woesta 13. 29, suoester I 7. 1 (also soest
Page 59 - WG. gj : bycgendo 19. 45, forhycganne 11. 42, siégeas 7. 22, bebyccendo I 10. 5 ; the gemination is simplified in bebycane I 7. 16. g has passed into h at the end of a word after a long guttural vowel in genoh 22. 38 ; after a short palatal vowel in hehstalde 1. 27, -es 1. 27 (but cf. hegstald Matt. I 14. 1 1) — the change here may be due to the voiceless sound immediately following. The same chango occurs in an unstressed S3rllable in iSrittih 3.
Page 73 - The ending of the plural of the pret. ind. varies between -on and -un, with -en once. The vocalic ending never appears in Luke (cf. Fu. 59). Examples: -on, beron 7. 14, bedon 4. 38, brecon 17. 27, cwoedon 8. 24, ondreardon 2. 9, gefrugnon 3. 10, ongetton 20. 19, ongunnon 7. 49, nomon 11. 52, aslogon 22. 63, ymbsprecon 19. 7, iSurscon 22. 63, wunnon 5. 5 ; -un, oucneaun 2.
Page 60 - Lind. 28, anm. 2) ; before a vowel : haldormon 5. 5, (hund)hsehtatih 2. 37. Historical h is lost before a consonant in laferd I 10. 7, rseiSe 18. 8 ; in the second member of the compounds : ebolsaiS 12. 10, ondeto 10. 21, anlapum 4. 40; after an unaccented vowel in nsebbende 3. n. hw appears as ch in chuselc 9. 48. II. Medial h appears as g in heigsta I 11. 17, suoeger 12. 53, suegir 12. 53, gesigSe 9.
Page 19 - I9. 16, ofcearf 9. 9, olebearua 22. 39, olebearu 21. 37 (S. 103, anm. 1), geearnadon I 9. 3, earnas 17. 37, gearuu 12. 40, gearo 22. 33, gearwiga 1. 76, heard 19. 3, nearo 13. 24 (in such forms the breaking is brought over from cases where the w is not vocalized, S. 103, anm. 1, cf. also § 61, III), scearflice I 9. 4, inweard 11. 39, utteweard 11.
Page 46 - I shall therefore treat here only of the further changes that taLj place in the endings of words in consequence of the apocope of final vowels, ie the insertion of epenthetic or secondary vowels. § 59. If a mute, followed by a liquid or a nasal, appears at the end of a syllable, by a common phonetic law the liquid or nasal becomes vocalic. In OE., however, a secondary vowel is often developed out of and before the liquid or nasai.

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