In siðða 7. 45 (besides soðða 13. 7, cf. § 32 (c)), the i has again been shortened (EB. 246, 336).

WG. i is limited in its occurrence by:

:

(1) Breaking before r-combinations, and h, § 19 ff.
(2) u/o-umlaut, § 32.

(3) The influence of a preceding w, § 47.
(4) Contraction, § 53.

O.

§ 4. WG. o remains unchanged in the pret. part. of st. vbs. Cl. II, III, IV: beboden I 9. 7, boren 21. 23, gebroceno 4. 18, gecoren I 7. 1, ofcorfen 3. 9, underdolfen 8. 14, gefrognen 17. 20, beloccen 11. 7, forloren 15. 32, tostrogden 21. 6, geðorscen 20. 10, gewordne I 3. 4; also in bod I 3. 18, bodare 9. 33, gebohte I 10. 1, bodigo 2. 10, cofa 19. 46, coss 7. 45, costende I 10. 8, costunges 8. 13, cotte 11. 7, cropp 6. 44, dohter 2. 36, dor 13. 25, droppo 22. 44, fola I 10. 2, folc 2. 36, foxe 13. 32, Lore 1. 17, forhtiga 21. 9, grornunge 1. 6, lof 18. 43, losa 9. 24, hlod I 3. 4, hogascip 2. 47, horn 1. 69, hordern 12. 24, hosum 15. 16, loswist 9. 25, mohda 12. 33, tomorgen 12. 28, mordor 23. 19, norda 13. 29, oxa 14. 5, oft 10. 40, posa 9. 3, unscortende 12. 33 (besides sceortiga 22. 32, § 52), snotrum 10. 21, oferslopum 20. 46, dolende I 5. 7, dornas 8. 7, wolcen 9. 34, word 24. 17.

For holas 9. 58, holo I 6. 12, cf. S. 242, anm. 3; EB. 529; Fo. 3; cf. § 76.

dorfeð 5. 31, dorfende 16. 22, &c., owe their vowel to the pret. dorfte (Lea 9 (1); Fü. 4, bemerkung; Lind.2 48, anm. 3).

In some words, always apparently in close connection with a labial consonant, WG. o appears as u (S. 55; Fü. 4, bemerkung; EB. 116): full 1. 28, ufa 24. 49, ufor 14. 10, ulfum 10. 3, fugul 13. 34, lufo 11. 42, lufað 7. 5, lufiande 6. 32, widspurna 4. 11, geondspurnad 7. 33.

Through a scribal error, a stands for o in lasað 5. 37.

o of WS. wolde is replaced by a, a: walde 19. 23, waldest 13. 34, wælde 1. 62.

For ohtrippe, cf. § 11. Loan-words: olebearu 22. cuoene 7. 37, scorpion 11. 22.

39, apostolas I 9. 6, port-
The o in torr 13. 4, torres

I 3. 8, corresponds to classical Latin u (= popular Latin ọ) of turris.

WG. o is limited in its occurrence by:

(1) The change to u before a nasal, § 18.
(2) i-umlaut, § 23.

u.

§ 5. WG. u remains in the pret. pl. ind. and pret. opt. of st. vbs., Cl. II, and in the pret. pl. ind., pret. opt., and pret. part. of strong vbs. of Cl. III: forlure 15. 9, gebunden 8. 29, unbundon 19. 31, bebrugdon 20. 20, gecurfe 11. 6, underdulfon 8. 7, druncon 17. 27, druncene I 10. 8, fundon 19. 48, frugnon 3. 14, guldon 7. 42, ongunnon 7. 49, gehulpo 5. 7, gesungon 7. 32, Jurscon 22. 63, geðrungen 8. 42, wunnon 5. 5, wurpon 19. 35; also in burug 9. 10, utacund 16. 12, cunnande 17. 20, dumb 1. 22, dura 11. 7, fultume 10. 40, grund 6. 49, hundas 16. 21, hundrað 16. 40, hunger 4. 25, lustlice I 10. 5, sum 11. 27, sunu 6. 35, sunna 21. 25, sulh 9. 62, getrummade 3. 18, getrumade 9. 51 (besides the umlauted forms, cf. § 24), tunga 1. 64, tungul I 10. 16, ðurstendo I 5. 6, duslice 9. 9, upp I 4. 10, under 4. 27, wuldor 4. 6 (Fü. 5), gewuldrade 23. 47, wundum 16. 20, wundria 1. 46.

By the falling out of a nasal before a voiceless spirant u>ù in: ús 13. 25, usra 20. 14, usum 1. 73, cudo 2. 44, cuðamen 1. 5, muði 1. 64, suð 12. 55, suða 13. 29, udwutto 22.66. Because of the weak accent this ū appears as Ŏ in oðð 2. 15, &c. (<*unp, EB. 454).

Loan-words: luh 8. 22, cursung 20. 47 (Lind.2 24), turturas 2. 24, culfra 3. 22 (Holthausen, IF. 10. 112; cf. Kl., PG., p. 337).

WG. u is limited in its occurrence by :

(1) i-umlaut, § 24.

(2) Change to iu after palatals, § 49 ff.

CHAPTER II. LONG VOWELS

The long vowels are not regularly marked, but are sporadically indicated by an accent (') or by doubling the vowel (Lea 38). Where such indications occur in the text, they will be noted.

ă.

§ 6. WG. à (=Gmc. , Got. ē, WS. ) is represented by ẽ with a few examples of a (S. 150, 1; EB. 96).

This e appears in the third stem of st. vbs. Cl. IV, V : bedon I 9.5, beron 7. 14, brecon 13. 26, gebrecon 6. 1, gefreten 8. 5, éton 13. 26, geton 18. 34, ongeton 18. 34, gesprecon 2. 15, gesegon 5. 26; in the pres. and pret. part. of some red. vbs.: ondredes 23. 40, leto 13. 28, letas 18. 16, redanne 4. 16, slepes 22. 46; in the subst. vb.: weron 16. 11, wer 2. 22, nere I 3. 9, toweron 23. 48; in the pret. of the vb. doa: dedon 6. 11, derhdedon 2. 39 (for the more frequent forms with y: dyde 2. 48, dydon 17. 10, &c., cf. § 24). Other examples: ber 5. 18, beer 5. 24, bernisse 21. 11, dedum 23. 51, efernlocað 24. 29, erend(wreco) 7. 42 (Kl., Beitr. 6. 385, 386; Bugge, ibid. 24. 431 ff.; Fü. 6; but cf. also S. 100, anm. 4), ettere 7. 34, étlic 24. 41, ferlice 9. 39, feerstylt 5. 26, erist 2. 34, eswico 13. 15, huer 17. 17, huér 9. 48, hér 21. 18, ger I 4. 6, léce I 2. 1, lecnande 9. 6, légo 16. 24, forletnise 21. 20, megas 23. 49, mersung 4. 14, gemersiað I 7. 19, ned 9. 39, nedon 24. 29, nedles 18. 25, nedra 11. 11, redo I 11. 5, sed S. 11, séde 1. 55, seteras 20. 20, slep 5. 9, sprec 16. 9, teleð 10. 16, telnise I 6. 12, dér 22. 12, wedes 8. 44, gewéded 8. 35, wepen(berend) I 7. 5, setnung 23. 19, weron 4. 13.

As this is not changed by i-umlaut, I have thought it unnecessary to distinguish those words in which the umlaut conditions are present, as in lece, dedum, sed, &c. (cf. EB. 192, Lea 45, Fü. 6, Fo. 6).

The ĕ in the sing. geett 4. 2, gefrett 15. 30 is common. Gmc. (Kl., PG., p. 436; S. 391, anm. 3; cf. Got. frêt, OHG. âz, frât, ON. ât).

æ for ē is found in magwlit 9. 29, wære 5. 12, &c. (where Füchsel considers it to be due to the æ of the sing., Fü. 6, bemerkung).

ē never appears in WG. swa, but always a or ā: swæ 18. 9, suæ 5. 7, sua S. 18 (Fü. 6; Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 368 ff.; EB. 103; Fo.6).

The a of gan has not yet been satisfactorily explained ; cf. S. 57, anm. 1; Fü. 6; Fo. 6; Kl., PG., p. 433. For the forms, cf. § 112.

WG. a is limited in its occurrence by :

(1) Following nasals, § 16.

(2) Following palatals, § 37.

(3) Preceding palatals, § 52.

ē.

§ 7. The origin of this ē (=Gmc. e) is obscure; cf. Kl., PG., p. 411; Streitberg, § 79; Bowen, pp. 7, 10. The only example is: her 22. 38.

Loan-words: febere 4. 39, feberadlum 4. 38 (Pog. 118), creciscum I 2. 9.

§ 8. WG. I appears as i. Examples: the pres. forms of st. vbs. Cl. I: abidas 7. 20, bidend 2. 25, bites 9. 39, adrifa I 9. 16, ariso 15. 18, scined 17. 34, gescira 16. 2, astigeð 18. 31, toslito 12. 18, gesuica 18. 1, oferwrigað 1. 35, awritt 16. 6; also: bides 21. 25, blide I 7. 9, dicg 19. 43, gediides 11. 27, forduined 14. 34, gitsare I 7. 14, higo 2. 4, higna 13. 25, hwil 12. 50, huit 9. 29, idlo 1. 53, gelic I 8. 14, lichoma 12. 22, licòrower 4. 27, lif 12. 15,

linneno 16. 19, mín 9. 35, rixað 22. 25, scimande 17. 24, sciremonn 3. 1, scrípen 19. 21 (Lind.2 28, anm. 1), sido 12. 35, swigadon 23. 56, suin 15. 16, ofersuiðet I 4. 11, tid 1. 57, ðín 16. 6, ðrifald I 4. 11, ðrínise I 4. 9, wif 2. 5, wigbed 11. 51, wines I 5. 2, wisa 15. 7, witge 7. 28, witgong I 4. 3, onwriting I 10. 8.

For drio, drim, &c., v. § 53.

For hrippes, cf. § 3, I; fifo, swide, &c., cf. § 3, III.

For scip 15. 6, cf. § 52 (e); lih 11. 5, bitwih 11. 51, cf. § 39.

For the i in giuiao 11. 10, giuad 11. 12, giude 23. 52, &c., and giunga I 7. 2, cf. Lea 51, note; but cf. also EB. 256, anm.

For gehrineð 7. 39, gehrinade 18. 15, gehrined 21. 51 &c., cf. Fü. 14; Lind.2 28, anm. 2.

Loan-words: crist I 10. 10, &c., fic I 8. 3, ricu 4. 5, ricemenn 7. 41, pinia 8. 28.

§ 9. WG. ō appears as ō.

ō.

Examples: all forms of the pret. of st. vbs. Cl. VI: ahof 1. 52, onsóc 22. 57, slogon 22. 64, astód 6. 8, onstodon 23. 23, gesuor 1. 73, geðuoge 7. 4, geðuogun 5. 2, awox 2. 40, awoxe 22. 31; numerous pres. forms of vb. doa: dom 20. 8, doa 12. 17, &c.; also: broder 6. 42, boc 4. 17, blod 11. 50, dogrum 2. 46, dome 11. 32, fostring I 2. 1, fota I 11. 13, flód 17. 27, bereflor 3. 17, flowing 8. 43, frofor 2. 25, god 18. 18, behofað 12. 12, behoflic' 14. 28, hrofe 17. 34, locas I 10. 17, moder I 5. 11, móres 19. 37, mót 6. 41, hrowundum S. 23, unrod I 6. 9, unrot 18. 4, socnises 19. 44, stowa 11. 24, drowung 9. 23, drowiga 22. 15, wop 13. 28.

In gesohte, the o is shortened (S. 125).

For the ō in brohte, gedohte, woh, &c., cf. § 15, III.
In to 1. 28, 2. 34, &c., Bülbring considers that we have