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7. 49, gefrægn I 9. 16, gefraegn 9. 18 (besides gefraign 8. 30, v. § 14), ongægn I 9. 16 (for the possibility of this a being due to i-umlaut, cf. Lind. 9, anm. 2; 66), gærs 12. 28 (for the absence of breaking, v. § 19, I), hrægle 10. 13, linen hrægla 24. 12, waghræl 23. 45, onsæcne 14. 18, wæstm 1. 42 (S. 165, anm. 3; Fü. I, 1 ; Fo. 1, II); the pret. ind. and opt, and the pret. part. of habba and sæcga: hæfde 19, 20, 17. 6, hæbde 8. 6, sægdon I 10. 3, sægde 14. 21, gesægd I 4. 4; and the pret. opt. wælde 1. 62.

hondbæftadon 23. 27 is doubtful, cf. § 53, VII.

sodhuædre 19. 27 belongs here if we assume two stems, one in old a, to account for the forms with æ, which are rare in Luke, and one in old e, to account for the more usual forms with e (cf. § 2) and oe (cf. 41) (Morsbach, Schriftsprache, p. 30; ME. Gr., p. 131; Bülb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 368; Fü. 1, 1).

The æ in the pres. opt. hæbbe 8. 18, wælle 20. 22 (unless this form belongs under § 22, I, note), and in the pres. part. habbend 7. 2; and the a in habba 24. 39, habbanne 21. 36, habbas 12. 4, hlattade 1. 21, hlatto 12. 45, asca 10. 13, 9. 5, support the view of S. in Ags. Voc., pp. 15, 16, that, before doubled consonants and sc, a becomes æ if a palatal vowel follows, but a is retained if a velar vowel follows. This law fails to explain hlætto 12. 45, wællo 20. 3 (for the latter, however, cf. $ 22, I, note).

For the a in fasne 8. 44 v. Fo. 1, II.

(c) e in place of ae appears in cwe8 24. 19, gecue 8 13. 17, gefregn 38. 36, aget 4. 20 (pret.; cf. also $ 50), eftersona 23. 20, feruitgiornis I 3. 9 (Lind.? 16, anm. 2, considers this as WG. e or i). In hehstaldes, e is used throughout: hehstald 1. 27, hehstaldes 1. 27, &c. (S. 398, 3, and Cook, Gl., give this word as hēh-; but cf. Fü. 1, 1; Lind.2 11).

II. WG. a in orig. open syllables appears partly as a, partly as æ.

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