CHAPTER VIII. PERIOD OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT. Natural Tendencies of the Revolutionary Struggle-Its principle educed from previous Anti-Slavery Discussion-Originated in the States least influenced by Slavery-First Congress (1774)-Action in favor of "the abolition of Domestic Slavery"-Resolutions against the Slave Trade-Previous action in Provincial and Local Conventions-In North Carolina and Virginia-" Articles of Association" against Slave Trade-Concurrent Action in Georgia, Maryland, Virginia, and Connecticut-Anti-Slavery Literature of 1776-Implied illegality of Slavery-Declaration of Independence-The unanimous act of the Thirteen United States"The Union" formed then, and not by the Federal Constitution of 1789-John Q. Adams-This Declaration equivalent to a Constitution of Government-State Constitutions-Articles of Confederation (1778) make no compromise with Slavery -Sentiments published by order of Congress (1779)-Jefferson's Notes on Virginia-Peace of 1783-Address of Congress to the States-Sentiments of prominent Statesmen-Legislation in Virginia. THE state of the slave question in America, from about the time of the commencement of the Revolution in 1774, till the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1789, requires to be correctly understood, in order to any trustworthy estimate of the bearing of our political institutions upon the present existence of slavery. It was by no accidental coincidence that the period of the Revolution was the period of a more general and deep seated opposition to slavery than had been before visible, or than has been witnessed since. The religious sentiment against slavery, as a violation of heaven established rights, a sentiment that had been rising for some time previous, and that was now beginning to reach the point of disfellowship with slave-holders, was a sentiment that naturally assimilated itself with the rising opposition to the British Government for its invasions of the same sacred rights; and that as naturally sought the same remedy; to wit, the separation of freedom from the embraces of despotic power. A spirit of liberty, humanity, and justice, in the church, may be regarded as the best foundation for the establishment of liberty, humanity, and justice in the State,* and a proper regard for the rights of others will ever be found essential to a healthful jealousy and timely vindication of our own. It is equally evident that the rising opposition of the community in general to the despotic assumptions of the British Government, so far as it had anything in it like a manly regard to free principles for its basis, compelled that community to look at the more grievous wrongs of the slaves, and created an earnest sympathy in their favor. A decent regard to selfconsistency, in that unsophisticated and earnest age, could scarcely fail to produce some such effects. The only just ground for regret or astonishment is that the spirit of freedom then seeming to be in the ascendant, did not secure and maintain a more complete and permanent triumph. It is instructive to notice how the spirit of republican liberty and independence, in the different colonies, was found most predominant and most efficient, precisely where there were It may be doubted by some whether the religious sentiment and the testimony and action of religious bodies against slavery in this country, had been sufficiently extensive to make any very deep impression either upon the public conscience, in general, or upon the minds of our prominent statesmen. But the power of such influences is greater than is commonly understood. True statesmen, and even shrewd politicians, always keep themselves informed in respect to the religious tendencies of a country. Especially was this true in the last century. There can be no doubt that such men as Jefferson and Madison were familiarly acquainted with all that theologians in this country and Europe had written concerning slavery. The letter of Patrick Henry to Robert Pleasants (afterwards President of the Virginia Abolition Society), written Jan. 18, 1778, sufficiently shows that his mind had been deeply affected with the movements among the "Friends." "Believe me," says he, "I shall honor the Quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. It is a debt that we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. I exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." "I believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil." fewest slaves, and where the spirit of opposition to slavery was likewise most efficient and most predominant; while the regions most deeply involved in the sin of slaveholding and least accessible to the principles of emancipation, were precisely the same regions in which the apologists and partizans of British usurpation were most numerous and influentialthe regions in which the spirit of opposition to that usurpation was, to the smallest extent, and with the greatest difficulty roused. The South was overrun with tories, while New England was united in favor of independence, almost to a man. Particular localities at the North, might be mentioned, where the prevalence of slaveholding and slave trading was connected with a corresponding sympathy with despotic government. It may be added, that the names most prominent in the Revolutionary struggle were also among the names most prominent in opposition to slavery, and it is not known that a single advocate of the abolition of slavery was otherwise than a firm asserter of the rights of the Colonies. That the subsequent decline of the spirit of general liberty, and the corresponding decline of opposition to slavery, have steadily gone hand in hand, until the propagandists of interminable slavery have derided the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence, and the people of the free States have listened with comparative apathy, are equally undeni able facts. A full and correct history of the American Revolution, and of the incipient and successive steps taken to unite the Colonies under a new government, cannot fail to identify the movement with opposition to slavery, and the purpose and anticipation of its overthrow. A few documentary facts, in illustration, must suffice here. The first general Congress of the Colonies assembled in Philadelphia, in September, 1774. Preparatory to that measure, the Convention of Virginia assembled in August of that year, to appoint delegates to the general Congress. An exposition of the rights of British America, by Mr. Jefferson, was laid before this Convention, of which the following is an extract: "THE ABOLITION OF DOMESTIC SLAVERY is the greatest object of desire in these Colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant state. But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves, it is necessary to exclude further importations from Africa. Yet our repeated attempts to effect this by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might amount to prohibition, have been hitherto defeated by his Majesty's negative; thus preferring the immediate advantage of a few African corsairs to the lasting interests of the American States, and the rights of human nature, deeply wounded by this infamous practice.”—Am. Archives, 4th series, Vol. I., p. 696. The Virginia Convention; before separating, adopted the following resolution: "Resolved, We will neither ourselves import nor purchase any slave or slaves imported by any other person after the first day of November next. either from AFRICA, the WEST INDIES, OF ANY OTHER PLACE."—Ib. p. 687. Similar resolutions, had been adopted by primary meetings of the people in county meetings throughout Virginia, during the month of July preceding the State Convention. At the meeting in Fairfax county, WASHINGTON was chairman. North Carolina also held her Provincial Convention in August, of the same year. Nearly every county in the State was represented. There were sixty-nine delegates. The following resolution was adopted: "Resolved, That we will not import any slave or slaves, or purchase any slave or slaves imported or brought into the Province by others, from any part of the world, after the first day of November next."—Ib., p. 735. Similar resolutions had been previously adopted in primary meetings of the citizens in other Southern provinces, now States. It was after such demonstrations that the first General Congress assembled. Their first and main work was the formation of the "ASSOCIATION" which formed a bond of Union between the Colonies. This was nearly two years before the Declaration of Independence, so that "the Union" of the future States was effected before their Independence, a fact subversive of the common theory of the Constitution, which supposes inde pendent States first, and a compromise of the slave question, in order to the effecting of a Union, afterwards. The following extracts from the articles of Association will show the principles and the terms, so far as the slave question is concerned, upon which this first union was effected: "We do, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several Colonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country, as follows: 2. "THAT WE WILL NEITHER IMPORT NOR PURCHASE ANY SLAVE imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the SLAVE TRADE, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures, to those who are concerned in it." 11. "That a committee be chosen in every county, city, and town, by those who are qualified to vote for Representatives in the Legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching this Association; and when it shall be made to appear, to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee, that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this Association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the gazette, to the end that all such FOES to the rights of British America may be publicly known, and universally contemned as the ENEMies of AmericaN LIBERTY; and thenceforth we respectively will break off all dealings with him or her." 14 "And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings, or intercourse whatever, with any colony or province in North America, which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this Association, but will hold them as UNWORTHY OF THe rights of FREEMEN, and as inimical to the liberties of this country." "The foregoing Association, being determined upon by the Congress, was ordered to be subscribed by the several members thereof; and thereupon, we have hereunto set our respective names accordingly. In Congress, Philadelphia, October 20, 1774. PEYTON RANDOLPH, President. NEW HAMPSHIRE—John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom. MASSACHUSETTS BAY-Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine. RHODE ISLAND-Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. |