yet had passed more time than many older, older men, in the close and severe study and reflection on political subject. He possessed not only that liberal reach of thought, which, from the retirement of his closet, could look forward to the independence of his country, as a very desirable and by no means an improbable occurrence, but a philosophical selfpossession also, which at that time of tumult and agitation, could calmly analyze, weigh, and compare, the various plans devised for the government of nations, ancient, and Modern; and fix upon republican system as most suitable to the genius, and best calculated to promote the happiness of his country.

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His duties in the house of burgesses were arduous and nearly incessant, but to minds disciplined like his, almost any thing of mental labour is possible, and in the midst of his avocations as a legislator, he found time, in the year 1774, to write and publish his celebrated work, entitled a "summary view of the rights of British America." He was still a member of the assembly, when, in June 1775, the propositions of Lord North were laid before them by the governor; and the duty was assigned to him of framing the reply of the house. Several extracts from this work appear in most of the histories of that period, as specemens of bold and fine writing, but there are other portions of it, less frequently seen, that bestow on it, a much higher character, than even of argument or eloquence, and which might be quoted as evidence of

the generous and enlarged views, both of the man who conceived, and the assembly which sanctioned, the sentiments they convey. Among the reasons exhibited by this profound statesman in behalf of Virginia, for not acceding to the propositions, are the following:

"Because, on our undertaking to grant money, as is proposed, the commons only resolve to forbear levying taxes on us, still leaving unrepealed their several acts passed for the purpose of restraining the trade, and altering the form of Government of the eastern colonies.

Because, they are also proceeding to a repetition of injury by passing acts for restraining the commerce and fisheries of the Province of New-England, and for prohibiting the trade of the other colonies with all parts of the world, except the Island of Great Britain, Ireland, and the west Indies.

Because the proposition now made to us, involves the interest of all the other colonies. We are represented in general congress by members approved by this house, where our former union, it is hoped, will be so strongly cemented, that no partial applications can produce the slightest departure from the common cause. We consider ourselves as bound in honour as well as in interest, to share one general fate with our sister colonies, and should hold ourselves as base deserters of that union to which we have acceded, were we to agree on any measures distinct and apart from

them." The closing part of this beautiful production cannot be too much admired.

These, my lord, are our sentiments on this important subject, which we offer only as an individual part of the whole empire. Final determinations we leave to the general congress now setting, before whom we shall lay the papers your lordship has communicated to us. For ourselves, we have exhausted every mode of application, which our invention could suggest as proper and promising. We have decently remonstrated with Parliament, they have added new injuries to the old ; we have wearied our King with supplications, he has not designed to answer us; we have appealed to the native honor and justice of the British nation, their efforts in our favour have hitherto been ineffectual. What then remains to be done? that we commit our injuries to the even handed justice of that being who doth no wrong, earnestly beseeching him to illuminate our councils, and prosper the endeavours to whom America hath confided her hopes; that through their wise directions, may be again reunited the blessings of liberty, prosperity, and harmony, with Great Brittain.

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A few days after this address had passed, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in the general congress at Philadelphia: and, on leaving Virginia, experienced, probably, the most noble mark of the ple's confidence in his virtue and integrity, that, as a political leader, he possibly could receive. A portion of the inhabitants, who had not yet felt any actual pressure of tyranny, and, although re

spectable from their situation in life, were rather too unenlightened to perceive its speeedy approach in events passing at Boston, waited upon their delegates, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Lee, aud Mr. Harrison, previously to their departure, and addressed them in the following words: "you assert that there is a fixed design to invade our rights and privileges; we own that we do not see this clearly, but since you assure us that it is so, we believe the fact. We are about to take a very dangerous step; but we confide in you, and are ready to support you in every measure you shall think proper to adopt.

Mr. Jefferson had scarcely appeared in the national assembly, before he became conspicuous among those the most distinguished by their abilities and ardour. In July following, when the conciliating propositions was transmitted to Congress by the several assemblies of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and New-Jersey he was placed upon the committee with Dr. Franklin, John Adams, and Mr. Lee, to whom the subject was referred by the house. The report of this committee takes a large view of American grievances, but its leading ideas, and, in some instances, even the phrases, are the same as the address reported by Mr. Jefferson in the Virginia Assembly.

It will not be going too far to assert, that Mr. Jefferson was one of the few, on whom the whole weight of the revolution rested. Perhaps there never was assembled a deliberative body of men

more enlightened, patriotic, and virtuous, than this legistature: but a portion of the doubt and apprehension of many timed persons in the community, could not but be communicated to some within the walls of congress. Mr. Jefferson was one of those in whose character weakness and irresolution were entirely unknown. He acted from a clear and long settled conviction, the result of cool and mature reflection, and while, he pursuid a bold and undeviating course towards the great object of independence, was enabled by his example, as well as by his arguments, to encourage and confirm others.

The declaration of the Independence of the United States, which was read in the statehouse yard of this city, between the hours of one and two o'clock on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, was writen by Mr. Jefferson. It would be entirely unnecssary at this late hour of the day to examine the merits of this production: not only America but all Europe too, have long since decided on its superior claims to excellence.*

The striking similitude between the recital of wrongs prefixed to the constitution of Virginia, and that which was afterwards prefixed to the Declaration of Independence of the United States, is of itself sufficient to establish the fact that they are from the same pen. But the constitution of Virginia preceded the declaration of Independence,

*See note A. at the end of the Volume.