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sumed to represent the nation. Carnot and Barthelimi, condemned to deportation, gave place to Merlin and Neufchateau. A new ministry was formed; and Talleyrand, recently proscribed, was charged with the foreign department. Throughout nearly two-thirds of France the elections were annulled. More than one hundred members were expelled the "Council of Five Hundred," and forty from the "Council of Elders." Not an individual had the benefit of a hearing or trial. Men of distinguished merit, the Constitutional representatives of a large majority of the nation, were banished, on the plea, that they were the agents of Royalty. To silence complaint, the popular journals were suppressed-their proprietors exiled.

This Revolution was not stained with blood, nor marked with tumult. Accustomed to despotism, Paris remained a calm spectator of this extraordinary usurpation. Her pleasures were not interrupted. A few scattered groups, uttering popular cries, alone showed the existence of any remaining national sentiment. Yet, as regarded the opinions of France, it was a more flagrant, open, undisguised violation of the public will, than either of those which it succeeded.

Such was the fate of a Constitution founded on the broadest theory of popular rights. An institution based upon the principle of universal suffrage, it was supposed, would secure to the people a pure and independent representation. The majority of the suffrages were given without regard to the public interests, or were corruptly purchased. Its Judiciary were elected by the people. Their decisions were prostituted to the malefactor and the pirate. Distrust had created a plural executive. There was no unity of counsels, and the minority were expelled by the majority. The Executive had no consti

it resorted to force.

tutional negative on the legislature. To protect itself, For a theoretically pure representative democracy, one night substituted a military despotism.

Yet this usurping government, with no other support than the bayonet, was defended by the Democratic press of the United States, as the assertor of liberty against the plots of the Royalists. The same press insisted, that with her power thus consolidated, her policy would be pacific; and that America had only to wait a short interval the adjustment of all their controversies. Hamilton saw a different result. He declared at this moment, that "Power alone could reorganize the discordant materials of Europe; that there could be no pacific accommodation of its disturbances; that France must seek repose under a throne; and that some Bonaparte or Pichegru, with half a million of veterans at his heels, would parcel out monarchies, principalities, and tributary States at pleasure." *

As to the United States, the majority of the former Directory were in favor of war. Their successors were not less hostile. The only question was, whether it should be open, or, as it had been, "war only on one side." "If France makes war," they said, "it will be on the Government, not on the people. The Government cannot succeed in raising armies, equipping a fleet, or laying taxes to pay them. Had Madison been appointed Envoy, it would have drawn closer the connection of seventeen hundred seventy-eight; as it is, she will not commit the error of England by advancing into the United States. The Directory can have, by proper agents, the preponderance there assigned to her."

Thus is seen the force of Talleyrand's pithy remark as to Hamilton, "Mais il avoit diviné l'Europe."

Intelligence of this Revolution reached America late in the Autumn. A few days after it was received, on the twenty-third of November, Congress assembled.

The President, in his speech, remarked, that nothing had occurred since their adjournment to render inexpedient the precautionary measures he had before recommended. That the reasons for their adoption were strengthened by increasing depredations, and, though the negotiation with France should issue favorably, that the disorders of the world indicated the necessity of protecting and defending their commerce. Spain, he observed, still occupied the territory of the United States, with her garrisons; and had not commenced to define the boundary; a delay to be regretted, as tending to influence the Indians prejudicially. He mentioned the attempts of foreign agents to excite them to a confederate hostility, and suggested the propriety of a law for the punishment of this interference. The proceedings to fulfil the treaty with Great Britain were adverted to, and Congress were advised to make provision for the awards they had engaged to pay. As to revenue, he urged the danger of funding systems and loans; and advised a resort to "immediate taxes." The importance of unanimity in the peculiar situation of the country was earnestly indicated.

The decisive language of the President greatly disappointed the hopes of the opposition. Their efforts to gain time had thus far failed, and the most anxious apprehensions were indulged, that the very qualities of his character, through which they had expected to rule him, would prove the most formidable obstacles to their purposes.

A short time after this Speech had reached Madison, he penned this contrast between Washington and Adams;

exalting Washington to undervalue Adams-undervaluing Washington, to excuse, perhaps exalt, himself.

In answer to Jefferson,* he observed:

"Since my last I have received yours. There never was perhaps a greater contrast between two characters than between those of the present President and of his predecessor. The one, cool, considerate, and cautious. The other, headlong, and kindled into a flame by every spark that lights on his passions. The one, ever scrutinizing into the public opinion, and ready to follow what he could not lead. The other, insulting it by the most adverse sentiments and pursuits. Washington, a hero in the field, yet overweighing every danger in the Cabinet. Adams, without a single pretension to the character of soldier, a perfect Quixote as a statesman. The former Chief Magistrate pursuing peace everywhere with sincerity, though mistaking the means. The latter taking as much pains to get into war as the former took to keep out of it. The contrast might be pursued into a variety of other particulars. The policy of one, in shunning connections with the arrangements of Europe-of the other, in holding out the United States as a make-weight in the balance of power;-the avowed exultation of Washington in the progress of liberty everywhere, and his eulogy on the revolution and people of France, posterior even to the bloody state of Robespierre-the open denunciations by Adams of the smallest disturbance of the ancient discipline, order and tranquillity of despotism."

The public feeling had been roused against France, and it was the policy of the opposition to avoid all irritation. The Addresses of both Houses passed without debate.

Either to discontinue that, which they regarded as an irksome ceremony, or to wound the Executive by withholding this accustomed mark of respect, many of the minority voted to omit the practice of presenting an answer, and that a committee be appointed merely to an

* February, 1798. The passage quoted may be seen in the original letter in the State department. It is omitted in the copy, also there, intended for publication.

nounce to the President their readiness to co-operate with him in all advisable measures. Of these the most urgent were those for the protection of commerce, and the defence of the country. The committee on this subject, in order to avoid a protracted discussion, asked leave to report by bill. The House was equally divided. The motion was carried by the casting vote of the Speaker, who had abandoned the opposition. The bill authorized merchant vessels to be armed for their defence.

This was opposed, as a measure hostile to France, and as interfering with the pending negotiation. "If the vessels acted offensively, it was war. If defensively, it might furnish a pretext for war." The danger of offence was denied by the Federalists. It was not to be anticipated, that a vessel engaged in peaceful traffic, not authorized to capture, would commence an attack for the mere desire of a contest. The Master would expose his person to a gibbet, and his vessel to condemnation. Is the right of defence to be restrained, lest it should give a pretext for hostilities? Is France in want of a pretext? Has she not defended her spoliations on the plea of imperious necessity-a plea to which she always can recur? Great as the urgency of this measure was, from the increasing captures, still, in the hope of a successful issue to the negotiation, the bill was postponed until that issue should be known. Much artifice had been used to induce the belief, that France was anxious for conciliation. A letter to that effect was received from Talleyrand by the French Consul at Philadelphia, at the opening of the session. A prospect was held out, that Commissioners would be sent from France. Their terms, it was suggested, by the opposition, would be indemnity for the captures made by her, on being indemnified for captures made by Great Britain in consequence of our abandonment of the modern

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