ples have no other spring or aim than his own aggrandizement, per fas aut nefas. If he can, he will certainly disturb our institutions, to secure himself permanent power, and with it wealth. He is truly the Catiline of America. But early measures must be taken to fix on this point the opinions of the Federalists. Among them, from different motives, Burr will find partisans. If the thing be neglected, he may possibly go far."

The day after, he again addressed Wolcott:

"There is no circumstance which has occurred in the course of our political affairs, that has given me so much pain as the idea that Mr. Burr might be elevated to the Presidency, by the means of the Federalists. I am of opinion, that this party has hitherto solid claims of merit with the public, and so long as it does nothing to forfeit its title to confidence, I shall continue to hope that our misfortunes are temporary, and that the party will ere long emerge from its depression. But if it shall act a foolish or unworthy part in any capital instance, I shall then despair.

"Such without doubt will be the part it will act, if it shall seriously attempt to support Mr. Burr, in opposition to Mr. Jefferson. If it fails, as after all is not improbable, it will have riveted the animosity of that person, will have destroyed or weakened the motives to moderation which he must at present feel, and it will expose them to the disgrace of a defeat in an attempt to elevate to the first place in the Government, one of the worst men in the community. If it succeeds, it will have done nothing more nor less than place in that station a man who will possess the boldness and daring necessary to give success to the Jacobin system, instead of one, who for want of that quality, will be less fitted to promote it.

"Let it not be imagined, that Mr. Burr can be won to the Federal views.* It is a vain hope. Stronger ties, and stronger inducements than they can offer, will impel him in a different direction. His ambition will not be content with those objects which virtuous men of either party, will allot to it; and his situation and his habits will oblige him to have recourse to corrupt expedients, from which he will be restrained by no

* Ames wrote: "I doubt whether Burr will be Federal, if chosen by Feds; and he would reconcile himself to his old friends as soon as he can." Ames, i. 291.

moral scruple. To accomplish his end, he must lean upon unprincipled men, and will continue to adhere to the myrmidons who have hitherto surrounded him. To these, he will no doubt add able rogues of the Federal party, but he will employ the rogues of all parties to overrule the good men of all parties, and to prosecute projects which wise men of every description will disapprove. These things are to be inferred with moral certainty from the character of the man. Every step in his career, proves that he has formed himself upon the model of Catiline, and he is too cold-blooded, and too determined a conspirator ever to change his plan.

"What would you think of these toasts and this conversation at his table within the last three or four weeks? 1st. The French Republic. 2d. The Commissioners on both sides who negotiated the

Convention. 3d. Bonaparte. 4th. La Fayette. What would you

think of his having seconded the positions, that it was the interest of this country to allow the belligerent powers to bring in and sell their prizes, and build and equip ships in our ports? Do you not see in this the scheme of war with Great Britain, as the instrument of power and wealth? Can it be doubted, that a man who has all his life speculated upon the popular prejudices, will consult them in the object of a war when he thinks it is expedient to make one? Can a man, who, despising democracy, has chimed in with all its absurdities, be diverted from the plan of ambition which must have directed his course? They who suppose it must understand little of human nature ?

"If Jefferson is President, the whole responsibility of bad measures will rest with the Anti-Federalists. If Burr is made so by the Federalists, the whole responsibility will rest with them. The other party will say to the people, 'We intended him only for Vice President, there, he might have done very well, or been at least harmless. But the Federalists, to disappoint us, and a majority of you, took advantage of a momentary superiority to put him in the first place. He is therefore their President, and they must answer for all the evils of his bad conduct.' And the people will believe them.

"Will any reasonable calculation on the part of the Federalists uphold the policy of assuming so great a responsibility in the support of so unpromising a character? The negative is so manifest, that, had I not been assured of the contrary, I should have thought it impossible, that assent to it would have been attended with a moment's hesitation. Alas! When will men consult their reason rather than their

passions? Whatever they may imagine, the desire of mortifying the adverse party must be the chief spring of the disposition to prefer Mr. Burr. This disposition reminds me of the conduct of the Dutch moneyed men, who, from their hatred of the old aristocracy, favored the admission of the French into Holland, to overturn every thing. Adieu to the Federal Troy, if they once introduce this Grecian horse into their citadel.

"Trust me, my dear friend, you cannot render a greater service to your country, than to resist this project. Far better will it be to endeavor to obtain from Jefferson assurances on some cardinal points. 1st. The preservation of the actual fiscal system. 2d. Adherence to the neutral plan. 3d. The preservation and gradual increase of the Navy. 4th. The continuance of our friends in the offices they fill, except in the great departments, in which he ought to be left free. Adieu-ever yours."

The first letters Hamilton received on this subject were from Otis, and from Sedgewick, the Speaker of the House.

By Otis the questions were propounded,

"Whether any terms could be obtained from Burr favorable to the true interests of the country, and whether he would adhere to terms when stipulated? Whether it was advisable to attempt a negotiation with him, in what manner, and through what channel? What should be the outlines of an agreement with him, and what security can be devised for his adherence to it?" "It is palpable, that to elect him would be to cover the opposition with chagrin, and to sow among them the seeds of a mortal division."

Sedgewick, having stated in confidence part of the character of the recent convention with France, communicated to him facts indicating the probability of the election of President coming to the House. He observed,

"Should the House have to decide between these rivals (Jefferson and Burr) my opinion would prefer the former for reasons which will readily occur to you. In this, many of my friends differ from me.

They suppose that Burr, if preferred, will be compelled to throw himself into the hands of the Federal party."

Hamilton replied to him on the twenty-second of December:

"I entirely agree with you, my dear sir, that, in the event of Jefferson and Burr coming to the House of Representatives, the former is to be preferred. The appointment of Burr as President would disgrace our country abroad. No agreement with him could be relied on. His private circumstances render disorder a necessary resource. His public principles offer no obstacle. His ambition aims at nothing short of permanent power and wealth in his own person. For Heaven's sake, let not the Federal party be responsible for the elevation of this man."

His reply to Otis was to the same effect:

"Burr loves nothing but himself; thinks of nothing but his own aggrandizement, and will be content with nothing, short of permanent power in his own hands. No compact that he should make with any passion in his breast, except ambition, could be relied upon by himself. How then should we be able to rely upon any agreement with him. Jefferson, I suspect, will not dare much. Burr will dare every thing, in the sanguine hope of effecting every thing."

Two days after, he wrote to Gouverneur Morris:

The latter,

"Jefferson or Burr. The former, without all doubt. in my judgment, has no principle public or private; could be bound by no agreement; will listen to no monitor but his ambition, and for this purpose will use the worst part of the community as a ladder to climb to permanent power,† and an instrument to crush the better part. He is bankrupt beyond redemption, except by the resources that grow out of war and disorder, or by a sale to a foreign power, or by great

* Dec. 23, 1800.

Dwight Foster to the author. May 20, 1859. "My grandfather," (then a member of the Senate of the United States from Massachusetts), "said, he heard Col. Burr, while Vice President, make the remark, that a man who was President was a d―d fool if he did not remain so for life, if he wished to."

peculation. War with Great Britain would be the immediate consequence. He is sanguine enough to hope every thing-daring enough to attempt every thing-wicked enough to scruple nothing. From the elevation of such a man, Heaven preserve the country!

"Let our situation be improved to obtain from Jefferson assurances on certain points-the maintenance of the present system, especially in the cardinal articles of PUBLIC CREDIT-a NAVY-NEUTRALITY. Make any discreet use of this letter."

Morris had written to Hamilton. In this letter, which was received by him after that last quoted, he mentioned,

"That, at first, it was proposed to prevent any election and thereby throw the government into the hands of a President of the Senate; that it even went so far as to cast about for the person." He dissuaded it as "a wild measure;" and said, "it seems now to be given up." "The object of many is to take Mr. Burr, and I should not be surprised if that measure was adopted. Not meaning to enter into intrigues, I have merely expressed the opinion, that, since it was evidently the intention of our fellow-citizens to make Mr. Jefferson their President, it seems proper to fulfil that intention."

After a brief view of the consequences of either course, he concluded:

"I should do injustice to my opinion of your intuitive judgment, should I dilate any farther. You are better acquainted with character and opinions than I possibly can be; and your ideas will have weight in the minds of many here, should you think proper to transmit them through some accustomed channel of communication. The subject is certainly of high consideration, and the circumstances of the moment are of peculiar delicacy."

In reference to such a project Hamilton wrote:

"It has occurred to me, that, perhaps the Federalists may be disposed to play the game of preventing an election, and leaving the Executive power in the hands of a future President of the Senate.

"This, if it could succeed, would be, for obvious reasons, a most dangerous and unbecoming policy. But it is well it should be under