CHAPTER CLI. As soon as the necessary conferences with McHenry permitted, General Hamilton returned to New York, whence he wrote to Washington a private letter, express ing a prophetic apprehension (which was fulfilled) of the consequences of the President's recent decision. "Dear Sir: * On my return from Trenton the day before yesterday, I found your private letter of the thirteenth, as well as your public letter of the fifteenth instant. The newspapers have probably informed you that poor Avery is dead of the yellow fever. "The President has resolved to send the Commissioners to France, notwithstanding the change of affairs there. He is not understood to have consulted either of his ministers; certainly not either the Secretary of War or of Finance. All my calculations lead me to regret the measure. I hope that it may not in its consequences involve the United States in a war on the side of France with her enemies. My trust in Providence, which has so often interposed in our favor, is my only consolation." Washington replied on the twenty-seventh : "The purport of your (private) letter of the twenty-first, with respect to a late decision, has surprised me exceedingly. I was surprised at the measure, how much more so at the manner of it! This business seems to have commenced in an evil hour, and under unfavorable auspices; and I wish mischief may not tread in all its steps, and be the * October 21, 1799. final result of the measure. A wide door was open, through which a retreat might have been made from the first faux pas, the shutting of which, to those who are not behind the curtain, and are as little acquainted with the secrets of the Cabinet as I am, is, from the present aspect of European affairs, incomprehensible. But I have the same reliance on Providence which you express, and trust that matters will end well, however unfavorable they may appear at present.* With very great esteem and regard, your most obedient and affectionate "GEORGE WASHINGTON." Ten days after, Hamilton wrote to Wilkinson: "The policy of our government towards Spain continues as heretofore pacific and conciliatory. You will of course give the same character to your proceedings as far as may depend upon you. I conform, in an especial manner, to the views of the administration, and to the deep impressions of my own mind, derived from a full consideration of the comparative resources and necessities of our country, when I recommend to you in every arrangement a critical regard to economy. Without it, our government cannot maintain the institutions or pursue the measures which are essential to its security and welfare. Without it, the condition of its military force can neither be respectable * Washington had previously written to McHenry: "I think your wise men of the East have got yourselves into a hobble relatively to France, Great Britain, Russia, and the Porte, to which allow me the privilege of adding our worthy Demos-all cannot be pleased. Whom will you offend? * * But to be serious, I think the nomination and appointment of ambassadors to treat with France would, in any event, have been liable to unpleasant reflections, (after the declarations which have been made,) and in the present state of matters in Europe must be exceedingly embarrassing. The President has a choice of difficulties before him in this business. If he pursues the line he marked out, all the consequences cannot be foreseen. If he relinquishes it, it will be said to be of a piece with all the other acts of the administration, unmeaning, if not wicked, deceptions; and will arm the opposition with fresh weapons to commence new attacks upon the Government, be the turn given to it and reasons assigned, what they may." He again wrote him: "Your confidential and interesting letter of the 10th instant came duly and safely to hand, with the contents of which I have been stricken dumb." Washington's Writings, xi. 468, and Appendix No. xxi. nor satisfactory. The interest of the army, as a corps, concurs with that of the public at large to enforce the practice of economy as a primary duty. I entertain a full confidence that your conduct will always evince a due sense of its importance, and that it will not cease to be your study in this and every other matter to descrve the confidence and estimation of the Government. In regard to the citizens of the Western country, as far as your agency may be concerned, you will do every thing to foster good will and attachment towards the government of the United States. A FIRM and CORDIAL UNION is certainly the vital interest of every part of our country." Public considerations weighed little with the opposition. As the Federal party gained strength in Congress, Jefferson became the more urgent to acquire influence in the State Legislatures. He consequently pressed his friends in Virginia to appear on that theatre of opposition. Madison, in compliance with his views, was elected to the House of Delegates in order to guide the policy which should be adopted. Whether it was intended to push still further the opposition to the General Government, and to hazard a civil war; or merely to exert his influence in securing the electoral vote of that State to the Democratic party, would, it was supposed, depend on the course of events. That a change in the policy intended to have been pursued took place is to be inferred from a letter of Jefferson. On the seventeenth of November, he wrote to Madison: "I inclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentucky resolves. I think, we should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain, so as to hold to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a train as that we may not be committed absolutely to push the matter to extremities, and yet may be free to push as far, as events will render prudent." To arrange a concurrence of action between Virginia and Kentucky, Nicholas, who was to go there, was invited to meet Madison at Monticello. This meeting, being dissuaded by Monroe, was abandoned. Jefferson, five days later, announced this change of purpose to Madison, observing, "Some late circumstances, changing considerably the aspect of our situation, must affect the line of conduct to be observed." Intelligence was at this time received, that the envoys had sailed on the third of November. Jefferson learned the increased dissensions this measure had produced. He felt assured, that Adams was again looking to Democratic support, and that the Federal party must fall. Thus impressed, he wrote to Madison on the twenty-sixth of November in a more measured tone: "I mentioned that new circumstances would require consideration as to the line of conduct they would require from us. Our objects, according to my ideas, should be these: First. Peace even with Great Britain. Second. A sincere cultivation of the Union. Third. The disbanding of the army on principles of economy and safety. Fourth. Protestation against the violation of the free principles of our Constitution-merely to save them, and prevent precedent and acquiescence from being pleaded against them. But nothing to be said or done which shall look or lead to force, and give any pretext for keeping up the army." Nothing was to be done to "hoop" the opposition "together." His new counsels were implicitly followed. Madison prepared his "protestations." The Virginia Assembly met early in December. The first important act was the appointment of a Governor. After a few preliminary observations, Madison nominated Monroe to that office. This selection was objected to by the Federalists, on the ground, that this "election would amount to saying, that the Executive had been wrong in recalling him, and in condemning his proceedings;" and. that, thus it would be a censure of Washington. Madison, long absolved from the restraints of truth, defended the nomination, denying its imputed effect. He said, that "he did not agree with the gentleman last up as to the proposed election of Mr. Monroe being a condemnation of the Executive. It was well known, that ambassadors had often been recalled for reasons unconnected with their diplomatic character. Ambassadors had often been recalled, without being in the least censured. He was far from agreeing, that his mission had been injurious to his country, for in the most delicate and important points, it had been successful!" Monroe was elected in opposition to Breckenridge, having been also supported by Giles and Taylor. The next thing was to direct the patronage of the State so as to operate on the election of President. Callender, who had been outlawed by the High Court of Judiciary of Scotland, and recently had been convicted of a libel and imprisoned under the Sedition act, announced his intended publication of another political pamphlet, entitled "The Prospect before us," which Jefferson abetted. He was at this time associated with the editor of the "Examiner," who was elected printer of the State. The other appointments had a similar direction. Giles now brought forward a topic which he strenuously pressed upon the Legislature; "the right of instruction," insisting, that the representatives of Virginia in Congress be instructed to repeal the act interdicting In the discussion of a bill to renew the charter of the Bank of the United States, Giles, then representing Virginia in the Senate of the United States, remarked, "obedience to instructions is nowhere commanded nor disobedience of instructions anywhere prohibited by any written law or constitution. The opinion of the Legislature is not injunctive, compulsory or mandatory." He also commented on the "injurious effects of the practice of giving instructions by the legislatures of the States to Senators of the United States." The |