in his communication to Congress as to the House tax, adhered to the plan he had previously proposed; delicacy to him having forbidden the introduction of that of Hamilton. He had recommended the exemption of certain houses, and the distribution of all others into three classes with reference to their value, to be taxed uniformly in each class at specific prescribed rates. The exemption extending further than he had contemplated, he enlarged his classification so as to embrace all houses with their lots exceeding in value eighty dollars, which formed the first of nine classes. The estimated product of this tax being less than the requisite amount, he proposed a small tax on each slave, the deficiency to be supplied by an ad valorem tax on lands.

A vehement opposition was made to the distinction between houses and other real estate. It was objected, that a separate valuation must be made of the house and land; and that such valuation must be arbitrary. Gallatin suggested a valuation of land as practised in several States, estimating the improvements. The classification, he thought, would render it impossible to correct and adjust an assessment. Each class would embrace houses of many different values which would pay the same tax. The uncertainty of such a valuation was admitted; but it was believed by the advocates of the bill, that such classification would diminish that uncertainty, and was preferable to a separate valuation of each house, which would produce discontent. A tax on houses they approved, because the burthen would be laid according to the means of the occupant, and throwing the weight of the tax upon the towns would relieve the more remote population. An amendatory act was passed, providing a mode of valuation by Commissioners, reviewing the estimates of the

proprietors. The direct tax was subsequently appor tioned among the States, to be assessed by a percentage according to the classes of the houses, and to be collected by the collectors of the internal revenue. Fifty cents was charged on each slave, and the residue upon lands according to the valuations. An examination of this system does not leave a doubt, that Hamilton's plan would have been more equal-more certain-more productiveless onerous.

The loans advised by Hamilton were authorized by two acts. One of five millions, payable at the expiration of fifteen years. Another of two millions upon the credit, and in anticipation of the direct tax, at an interest not to exceed six per cent., to be reimbursed at pleasure.

The opposition to an increase of the army had been strenuously continued. The friends of the administration, in vain, for a long time, urged the imprudence of delay. But near the end of the session, on the twenty-eighth of May, a bill for that purpose passed. The President was "authorized, in the event of a declaration of war against the United States, or of actual invasion of their territory, by a foreign power, or of imminent danger of such invasion, discovered in his opinion to exist before the next session of Congress, to cause to be enlisted and to call into actual service a number of troops not exceeding ten thousand, to be enlisted for a term not exceeding three years."

He was also empowered to organize these troops into corps of artillery, cavalry, and infantry, with a suitable number of Major-Generals-an Inspector-General with the rank of Major-General-a Quartermaster-General, and Paymaster-General-Adjutant-General-and a Commander of the Army, with the rank of LIEUTEnant-Gen

ERAL.

*

The officers to be appointed but not to be paid un

til on duty. The acceptance of companies of volunteers into the service of the United States was likewise sanctioned.

*Tazewell to Madison, July 12, 1798. "It is yet uncertain whether Washington will accept the command of the army. Hamilton has been here eight or ten days, and it is believed he will have the efficient command."

CHAPTER CXLIII.

ALTHOUGH the force provided by Congress was less than Hamilton deemed necessary, yet these incipient measures, he felt assured, would vindicate the dignity of the American name, and form the groundwork of a system of defence, which might be sufficiently enlarged to secure the country from invasion. In the infant Navy, he saw the germ of a National Marine, which the interests, the habits, and the pride of the people would foster -a "Federal Navy" that would render the United States "the arbiter of Europe in America.” *

The heart of the nation was warmed;-its passions were directed to the right point, and he breathed more freely in the belief that the Government would be sustained in every effort the public safety or honor might demand. How the Executive would fulfil the large confidence reposed in him by Congress was the problem now to be solved.

The Cabinet was determined to adhere to the neutral policy of the previous administration, to precipitate nothing, to keep open all the chances of peace, but not to permit the country to be humbled. In this sentiment there was entire concurrence among its members, but a

Federalist, No. xi., by Hamilton.

difference of opinion existed as to measures. Pickering and McHenry believed the national resources adequate to every emergency. Wolcott, more habituated to cautious detail, hesitated on this point. But strong as was the determination of the ministers, they had to contend with a stronger, but a fitful will-the will of Adams.

The circumstances under which this eccentric, wayward man assumed the government promised him little repose. His own character gave him less. That he could have doubted whether the great interests of this yet infant country were to be promoted by peace-that peace was not only important to the temporary happiness of the people, but to the safe development of their political institutions, and thus to their permanent welfare, can with difficulty be supposed. Yet, amid the controversies which had arisen with England, he was known to have indulged feelings, and heard to hazard opinions, which, if acted upon, must have resulted in war. Jefferson never forgot, Adams long remembered their unsuccessful mission to London. Had not France offered to the President an object of wrath, it might have been difficult to have restrained him from a conflict with her rival.

That Washington instituted the mission of Pinckney to France did not commend it to Adams.

He did not value the still continuing influence of that venerated person as a support, but rather regarded it as a derogation

from his own power. But these personal feelings gave place to resentment at the indignity offered to the country in the rejection of that mission. He hesitated, as has been seen, whether a new mission could be instituted without national debasement, and only surrendered this doubt to most cogent considerations.

The rejection of these envoys and the demand of tribute roused all his excitability. His impulsive temper