quit the territories of the Republic. He repaired to Amsterdam.

These extraordinary events were unofficially known in the United States on the eleventh of March. While amazed resentment held the nation in suspense, then was seen how rank was the poison which had been infused by ance. The Democratic presses foretold, they now dended the gross insulting interdiction. The "Aurora" asserted, that before tranquillity could be restored, "the sins of the late administration must be buried;" while to reconcile the people to the insults to Washington, it basely charged him with the assassination, when in the colonial service, of a French herald. The rejection of Pinckney was declared to be "a natural consequence of the suspension of Adet, the act of his own government.” The reception of an ordinary minister, it was stated, "could not be expected; as France was determined to avenge herself for our treatment, it betrayed ignorance or folly to believe, that he would have been recognized." Thus it was attempted to fulfil the expectation of the Directory, that this rejection "would give rise to discussions which might afford a triumph to the party of good republicans—the friends of France."

Widely different were the genuine sentiments of those of that nation whose voices rose above tumult and tyranny. At an opening of the council of five hundred, several members rushed to the Tribune. Cries of "Order," "Order," "to your places," were repeated in vain. The Tribune was besieged-extreme agitation ensued. Altercations were heard on every side ;-amid these violent clamors, a member reached the Tribune. He was seized by the throat. A scuffle followed, until the assailant was thrown down its steps amidst cries of "Order," "to the abbey "-deafening the assemblage. After a day occu

pied in restoring silence, PASTORET ascended, and asked their attention to the conduct of the Directory towards the United States.

Having alluded to the suspension of Adet and to the mission of Pinckney, he remarked, “America— America has a man, who, the brave defender of the liberty of his own country-happy in having contribut to excite and to confirm, has always preserved for us, whose succors protected her successes, an unalterable sentiment of gratitude and fraternity. A man who could be the less suspected of predilection for Great Britain, because during the American war his possessions were always the first to be ravaged and burned. Restored to his fields, on the conclusion of peace with the ancient oppressors of his country, he lived in privacy, far removed from all public functions. It was there that he was sought by his government to become the mediator between two people whom he loved, and the pacificator of America. He might have brought complaints. He wished only to offer explanations. He comes to enlighten the French government as to the conduct of its agents and their calumnies towards his country. He comes to calm animosities of which the eclats threatened the repose of two worlds. He arrives, and is instantly ordered to quit France. It is not Pinckney whom they repulse. It is the government of which he is the minister, and the organ.

"And what at the same time have we been doing? Our agents at St. Domingo, announce to the minister of marine, that having no other financial resources, and knowing the unfriendly dispositions of the Americans, they had, to avoid perishing, armed privateers; that already eighty-seven corsairs were at sea; and that, for three months the administration had subsisted, and indi

viduals had been enriched by the product of their prizes. They assured him, that it required all their devotion and their patriotism not to be checked by any pusillanimous considerations. That the revolting conduct of the Americans and the indirect evidence of the intentions of the government made it their duty to order reprisals-corsairs armed against a friendly nation! Reprisals! when we are the assailants. Reprisals towards a nation which has not taken one of our vessels! Wealth acquired by the confiscation of the vessels of a people with whom treaties unite us; from whom no declaration of war sep

arates us.

"What is the pretext? The treaty with Great Britain! Are we then the sovereigns of the world? Are our allies only our subjects, who cannot form treaties at their will?

"It is astonishing, indeed, to hear the French government accuse the United States of hostility, when, without a declaration of war, they are capturing all their vessels.

"Were not the United States the first to acknowledge our liberty? Do not these piracies proceed from St. Domingo, to whose flying colonists they offered an asylum? Are these agents, agents of the West Indies, whom the bread of our ally rescued from famine?"

CHAPTER CXXXVII.

THE intelligence of the rejection of Pinckney was confirmed by an arrival at New York on the twenty-first of March. The following day, Hamilton, feeling how much the delicacy of the public measures had been increased by the delay to act upon his earlier suggestions, wrote to the Secretary of State:

"It is now ascertained, that Mr. Pinckney has been refused, and with circumstances of indignity. What is to be done? The share I have had in the public administration, added to my interest as a citizen, make me extremely anxious that at this delicate crisis a course of conduct exactly proper may be adopted. I offer to your consideration, without what appears to me ceremony, such a course:

"First. I would appoint a day of humiliation and prayer. In such a crisis this appears to me proper in itself, and it will be politically useful to impress our nation that there is a serious state of things-to strengthen religious ideas in a contest which in its progress may require that our people may consider themselves as the defenders of their country against atheism, conquest, and anarchy. It is far from evident to me that the progress of the war may not call on us to defend our firesides and our altars. And any plan which does not look forward to this as possible, will, in my opinion, be a superficial one. Second. I would call Congress together at as short a day as a majority of both houses can assemble. Third. When assembled, I would appoint a commission extraordinary to consist of Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison, together with Mr. Cabot and Mr. Pinckney. To be useful it is important that a man agreeable to the French should go. But

neither Madison nor Jefferson ought to go alone.

The three will give

security. It will flatter the French pride. It will engage American confidence, and recommend the people to what shall be eventually necessary. The Commissioners should be instructed to explain, to ask a rescinding of the order under which we suffer and reparation for the past to remodify our treaties under proper guards. On the last idea I will trouble you hereafter.

ures.

"Fourth. The Congress should be urged to take defensive measThose to be: 1st. An embargo unless with convoy by special license. Additional revenue for additional expenses. 2d. The creation of a naval force-including the prompt purchase and equipment of sloops of war. This force to serve as convoys to our trade. 3d. Commissions to be granted to our merchant vessels authorizing them to arm to defend themselves, to capture when attacked, but not to cruise. The same instructions to our convoys. 4th. The organization of a provisional army of twenty-five thousand men, to be ready to serve if a war breaks out-in the mean time to receive certain compensations, but not full pay. The actual increase of our establishment

in artillery and cavalry.

The Em

"The following considerations appear to me weighty. press of Russia is dead. Successors are too apt to contradict predecessors. The new Emperor may join Prussia. The Emperor of Germany, by this mean or by the fortune of war, may be compelled to make peace. England may be left alone. America may be a good outlet for troublesome armies which the government is at a loss to manage. The governing passion of the rulers of France has been revenge. Their interest is not to be calculated upon. To punish and humble us to force us into a greater dependence may be the plan of France. At any rate, we shall best guarantee ourselves against calamity by preparing for the worst. In this time of general convulsion, in a state of things which threatens all civilization, 'tis a great folly to wrap ourselves up in a cloak of security. The Executive, before Congress meet, ought to have a well-digested plan, and to co-operate in getting it adopted."

Colonel Pickering answered, that the calling of Congress had been determined on by the President, and "that some other of the measures suggested had been contemplated, and all would receive attention from himVOL. VII.-2