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the second branch (Senate) ought to be chosen by the State Legislatures and hold their office seven years," was

taken up.

Mr. Pinckney advocated the resolution. He thought there should be one branch removed from the influences to be apprehended from the fluctuations of the popular passions. The States, too, should be guaranteed some protection for their sovereignty, otherwise the State governments would be overborne by the national government.

Mr. Wilson opposed election by the legislatures as likely to foster local pride and prejudices.

On the question to elect by the State legislatures, it was agreed to, Pennsylvania and Virginia only voting No.

It was then agreed that no person should be eligible for senator till he had arrived at the age of thirty years.

June 26. The term of office for senators being under consideration,

Mr. Gorham moved six years. Mr. Pinckney was in favor of four years. Mr. Read favored nine years.

Mr. Madison said that we are now digesting a plan which in its operations will decide forever the fate of republican government. We ought therefore to provide every possible guard and check to liberty. Those charged with the public happiness may betray their trust. Prudence would dictate that we should so organize that one body might watch and check the other. We should select a limited number of enlightened citizens, whose firmness might be interposed against impetuous counsels.

Mr. Hamilton concurred with Mr. Madison. On the question for nine years it was lost; and on the question for six years it was agreed to.

On the question of compensation, Mr. Pinckney proposed that the senators should receive po pay, as that branch was designed to represent the wealth of the country, and it should be so ordered that none but the wealthy could take that office. Dr. Franklin seconded the motion. The mo. tion was lost. Ayes 5, Noes 6.

It was then moved that the senators be paid by their respective States. Lost. And on the question that they be paid out of the national treasury, it was lost.

June 27. On the seventh resolution, that the right of suffrage in the first branch should be according to an equitable ratio.

Mr. Martin contended with great zeal that the general government was meant to preserve the State governments merely, and not to govern individuals ; and that its powers onght, therefore, to be kept in very narrow limits. That to give representation according to population would place it in the power of the large States to crush out the small ones. The vote should be by States and then all would stand upon the same platform of equality.

June, 28. Mr. Madison replied to Mr. Martin's speech on representation, and in a lengthy argument advocated representation in the first branch (House) according to the population. The debate lasted two days during which much angry feeling was manifested. The small States were determined that no provision should pass that did not give them an equal vote with the large States. Some idea of the difficul. ties encountered at this time may be gathered from a speech of Dr. Franklin near the close of the second day's proceedings. We copy it entire :

Dr. Franklin.--Mr. President: The small progress we have made after four or five weeks' close attendance and continued reasonings with each other-our different sentiments on almost every question, several of the last produce ing as many noes as ayes—is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We, indeed, seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those republics which, having been formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist. And we have viewed modern States all round Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances.

In this situation of this assembly, groping as it were in the dark to find political truth, and scarce able to perceive it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thonght of humbly applying to the Father of lights to illuminate our understandings? In the be-. ginning of the contest with Great Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayer in this room for the Divine protection. Our prayers, sir, were heard, and they were graciously answered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor.

To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful friend? Or do we imagine that we no longer need his assistance? I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of this truth-that God governs in the affairs of man. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid ? We have been answered, sir, in the sacred writings, that "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it.” I firmly believe this; and I also firmly believe this, that without his concurring aid we shall succeed, in this political building, no better than the builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial local interests; our projects will be confounded; and we shall ourselves become a reproach and by-word down to future ages. And, what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing

governments by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, and conquest.

I therefore beg leave to move that henceforth prayers, imploring the assistance of Heaven and its blessings on our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business, and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that service.

Mr. Sherman seconded the motion.

Mr. Hamilton was fearful that if the motion should be adopted it would alarm the people, who would think that some extraordinary emergency had arisen in the Convention. It would have been well to have adopted such a motion at the beginning of the session.

Mr. Randolph proposed that a sermon be preached on the fourth of July, and after that prayers. An adjournment was finally carried without a vote by ayes and Days.

June 29.-Dr. Johnson said this controversy seemed endless. On the one side the States were considered as districts of people, and hence entitled to representation according to their numbers; on the other side it was contended that they were political societies, and hence each should be represented equally. He suggested that each side was partially right, and that therefore the true ground was a compromise; let one branch represent exclusively the people and the other (the Senate) represent the States.

Mr. Madison agreed with Dr. Johnson, that the mixed Dature of the government ought to be kept in view. He made a lengthy speech in favor of this proposition. The debate was continued through the day, and it was finally agreed that the representation should be according to the ratio of inbabitants.

June 30.-Mr. Brearly moved that the President write to the Executive of New Hampshire requesting the imme


diate attendance of the delegates from that Siate, as the difficulties of the Convention are such, that they wanted all the aid possible. Not agreed to.

Mr. Ellsworth moved that each State be allowed an equal vote in the second branch, and supported his motion by a lengthy argument.

Mr. Wilson opposed the motion. He said we forming a government for men, not for imaginary States.

Mr. Madison thought the difficulty was not between the large and small States, but really between the States having slaves and those not having, or expecting soon not to have. slaves. He thought a fair compromise would be to have one branch represented according to the number of free inhabitants only, and the other represented by the whole, counting the slaves as freemen, instead of counting them as five to three. By this arrangement the southern scale would have the advantage in one House and the northern in the other.

Dr. Franklin thought "both sides must part with some of their demands."

The discussion was continued through the day without arriving at any conclusion.

July 2.-On the question allowing each State one vote in the second branch it was lost. Ayes 5. Noes 5.

General Pinckney proposed that a committee of one from each State should be appointed to devise and report a compromise.

Mr. Morris favored a committee. He said the object of the second branch was to check the excesses of the first branch. He thought it must be a branch of property interest, and must also be permanent in order to give stability to the government. Without it the country would have no confidence in the plan. Loaves , and fishes would bribe demagogues. Give us a senate for life, with

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