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that the black, when in the condition of a slave, is happier than when free, as, in proportion to the comfort and happiness of any kind of people, such will be the increase ; and the next census will show what has been the increase of both descriptions, free and slave, and will, I think, prove the truth of these opinions.

In this discussion the question as to the purchase of Louisiana has been introduced, and gives me an opportunity to state my opinion on the subject. So far as my knowledge of the facts, preceding that purchase, enable me to form an opinion, I pronounce that Mr. Jefferson, in planning the purchase, and the gentlemen who were employed in negotiating it, covered themselves with glory. The facts that preceded that purchase were these: In the year 1786, Spain despatched a Minister, named Gardoqui, to this country, instructed to offer to form with us a treaty of commerce, which she said was an advantageous one, if we would, in the same treaty, consent to give up the navigation of that part of the river Mississippi which ran through the Spanish dominions. This, sir, I asserted on this floor some days ago, and now repeat, that, on this treaty being, according to the then routine of business, referred to Mr. Jay, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs, he did, to the best of my recollection, report that it would, in his opinion, be expedient to adopt it; that seven, all of the Eastern and Northern States, did vote for it, but that, owing to the Confederation requiring that nine States should be necessary to form a treaty, it was at length defeated. If any part of the public business in this country, in which I have been engaged, ever gave me more pleasure than others, it was the agency I had, in association with an honorable gentleman, now high in office, and in Washington, in preventing it. I believe I may venture to say, that it was owing to us the whole of the Western country now belongs to us, and that the Mississippi now flows through American

lands, and that the American dag now waves alone on her waters. I, therefore, have always felt more than a fraternal—I have felt, sir, a paternal love for this country. Nor, sir, is this the only important agency I have had in the affairs of this very valuable part of our Union. It will be remembered that, in the year 1802, the Intendant of New Orleans issued a proclamation, shutting that port to the further reception and deposit of American produce, under the treaty of 1795, and that, on his doing so, a ferment was excited throughout the Union, of the most alarming nature; that war was called for, both in the Senate and out of doors, which it was difficult for all the prudence and love of peace of the President to repress. Being, at that time, the Minister of the United States in Spain, I received instructions from our government to use every exertion in my power, consistent with its dignity, to get the deposit restored, which I fortunately did, and this affair led to the acquisition of both the river and whole country in the manner you know. At the time I went to Europe, I was alone commissioned and authorized to treat for, and purchase, all the part of Louisiana, including New Orleans, to the east of the Mississippi and the Floridas; but, on arriving in Europe, I found Louisiana had been previously secretly sold to Bonaparte, of which I informed Mr. Jefferson, and he took the measures which accomplished the purpose.

In pursuing the arguments of some gentlemen on this subject, I have omitted to notice one of their arguments springing from that part of the third section of the fourth article, which says, “the Congress shall have the power to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory, or other property belonging to the United States," because this article certainly refers only to the territorial state, to which I have already referred, and in which, I do not hesitate to aver, that, in making such regulations for the government of the territory, they are no more author

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ized to inhibit slavery in the territory, than they are in the State-for, if they should have the power, it would indirectly effect the same thing; it not being difficult to see, that, when a territory has been, like Missouri, for sixteen years in a strict state of territorial discipline, prohibiting slavery, when the period arrives for her admission as a State, she will be peopled entirely by inhabitants pot having slaves, and who will, of course, insert the prohibition in their constitution.

It ought to be remembered, Mr. Chairman, that the greatest part of the debt due for Louisiana is still unpaid, and that, if the mode I have asserted, by which your treasury is now furnished, and must be in future, is true, then the slaveholding States will have more than half of the parchase to pay; but, suppose we have only one-half of it to pay, is it not fair, is it not just, that the use of this purchase should be as open to the inhabitants of the slaveholding, as to the inhabitants of the non-slaveholding States ? And how can this happen, if you say to the inhabitants of the Northern States, you may go there with your families, and all your properties ; but, if you, from the Southern or slaveholding States, choose to go there, it must be without your slaves, these shall not go? thus denying to these the instruments of their agriculture, and the means of their comfort, and completely preventing the possibility of their removing. From this, sir, will arise another evil, that of the fall of the value of all the lands the United States may have to sell in the Territories or States from which slavery is excluded, at least one-half, which, if the computations of the number of acres come any thing near the mark, must amount to at least six hundreds of millions of dollars to the common treasury.

I have not condescended to notice the remark, that one of the evils of slavery is, the lessening and depreciating the character of the whites in the slaveholding States, and rendering it less manly and republican, and less worthy, than in the non-slaveholding States, because it is not less decorous than true; it is refuted in a moment by a review of the revolutionary, and particularly the last war. Look into your histories, compare the conduct of the heroes and statesmen of the North and South, in both those wars, in the field and in the Senate; see the monuments of valor, of wisdom, and patriotism, they have left behind them, and then ask an impartial world, on which side the Delaware lies the preponderance : they will answer in a moment, to the South.

It will not be a matter of surprise to any one, that so much anxiety should be shown by the slaveholding States, when it is known that the alarm, given by this attempt to legislate on slavery, has led to the opinion that the very foundations of that kind of property are shaken; that the establishment of the precedent is a measure of the most alarming nature; for, should succeeding Congresses continue to push it, there is no knowing to what length it may be carried.

Have the Northern States any idea of the value of our slaves ? At least, sir, six hundred millions of dollars. If we lose them, the value of the lands they cultivate will be diminished in all cases one-half, and, in many, they will become wholly useless, and an annual income of at least forty millions of dollars will be lost to your citizens; the loss of which will not alone be felt by the non-slavebolding States, but by the whole Union ; for, to whom, at present, do the Eastern States most particularly, and the Eastern and Northern generally, look for the employment of their shipping, in transporting our bulky and valuable products, and bringing us the manufactures and merchandises of Europe? Another thing, in case of these losses being brought on us, and our being forced into a division, what becomes of your public debt? Who are to pay this, and how will it be paid ? In a pecuniary view of this subject, therefore, it must ever be the policy of the Eastern and Northern States to continue connected with us. But, sir, there is an infinitely greater call upon them, and this is the call of justice, of affection, and humanity. Reposing at a great distance, in safety, in the full enjoyment of all their federal and State rigbts, unattacked in either, or in their individual rights, can they, with indifference, or ought they to risk, in the remotest degree, the consequences which this measure may produce. These may be the division of this Union, and a civil war. Knowing that whatever is said here, must get into the public prints, I am unwilling, for obvious reasons, to go into the description of the horrors which such a war must produce, and ardently pray that none of us may ever live to witness such an event.

If you refuse to admit Missouri without this prohibition, and she refuses it, and proceeds to form a constitution for herself, and then applies to you for admission, what will you do? Will you compel them by force? By whom, or by what force can this be effected ? Will the States in her neighborhood join in this crusade? Will they who, to & man, think Missouri is right, and you are wrong, arm in such a cause ? Can you send a force from the eastward of the Delaware ? The very distance forbids it; and distance is a powerful auxiliary to a country attacked. If, in the days of James II., English soldiers, under military discipline, when ordered to march against their countrymen, contending in the cause of liberty, disobeyed the order, and laid down their arms, do you think our free brethren on the Mississippi will not do the same? Yes, sir, they will refuse, and you will at last be obliged to retreat from this measure, and in a manner that will not add much to the dignity of your government.

I cannot, on any ground, think of agreeing to a compromise on this subject. However we all may wish to see Missouri admitted, as she ought, on equal terms with the

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