JAMES I. 1603-1625. The English Catholic church the only firm basis of our mo narchical government. Catholic church; although the copies of the "Latin Vulgate” were, at one period, so various and discordant, that the labours of three popes, Pius IV., Sixtus V., and Clement VIII., were employed to procure a correct edition, so as to supersede the Hebrew and Greek versions". But the Church of Rome, to promote her temporal interests, has never hesitated to remove the sacred boundaries of right and wrong, and, as far as in her lay, to teach mankind to call good evil, and evil good; and, speaking in a temporal sense, nothing could have withstood the fallacies, the seductions, and the violence of Rome, or have triumphed over the republicanism of the puritans, but the superior wisdom and sanctity of the "English Catholic Church," a church which is the only firm basis of our monarchical government, and of that civil liberty which equally protects and punishes the peasant and the prince, and to an extent unprecedented in ancient or modern times,-nay, even in republican America, where liberty is the theory, and slavery the practice, and whose superior "freedom of institutions" consists solely in the recognition of men and principles, which in England would be discarded with the utmost disgust for their infidelity, hypocrisy, and despotism. CHARLES I. 1625-1649. Nation divided SECTION II. CHARLES I., March 27, A.D. 1625,-January 30, a.d. 1649. 1. Characters of the King and Commons. The despicable character and policy of James I. had been such, that, on the accession of Charles I., the nation was divided into two parties, of " Courtiers" and "Oppositionists;" into two parties, and the contest ultimately became so protracted, that resentment, passion, prejudices, and faction took place on all sides. of courtiers and oppositionists. 81 Perceval on Schism, 363. 1625-1649. Charles I. That Charles I. was an insincere man', and a wicked CHARLES I. tyrant, every unprejudiced individual must admit; and, at the same time, confess the character which he has received Character of from Hume, is, in many respects, destitute of truth'; but unconstitutional as were the acts of Charles, they were, in comparison with those of the "commons," perfectly consistent with true freedom. the commons. The commons, under guise of the words "patriotism" and Unconstitutional 'loyalty," committed acts unparalleled in our history for proceedings of despotism and illegality; in fact, we ever find that, those who are most prodigal in patriotic professions, are in practice the most uncompromising tyrants, and always perfidious in discharging those compacts, their being parties to which, has raised them from insignificance to power; for the man of honour and principle invariably proves, in such compacts, the dupe of the greatest rogue; and he who makes the most extensive professions, is by the unreflecting portion of mankind considered their best friend, until when stripped, in most cases but too late, of his insidious cloak, he is discovered to be their bitterest foe; thus the execution of Charles did not proceed from patriotic principles; but was the fiendish act of a nest of despots, in order to gratify their selfish ambition 3. A small, but all-dominant faction of the Long Parliament constitution de 1 1 Herbert's Mem. Carte's Life of Ormond. Preface to Baron Masere's Tracts. Lord John Russell's Const. Hist. 63, ed. 1821. 2 The king's manners were not good; he spoke and behaved to ladies with indecency in public (Warburton's Notes on Clarendon, vii. 629, and a passage in Milton's Defensio pro Populo Anglicano, quoted by Harris and Brodie). He once forgot himself so far as to cane Sir Henry Vane for coming into a room of the palace reserved for persons of higher rank (Carte's Ormond, i. 366). He had in truth none who loved him, till his misfortunes softened his temper and excited sympathy (2 Hallam's Const. Hist. 307. Oldmixon Hist. of Stuarts, 140. Burnet's Mem. Duke of Hamilton, 161.) 3 Mrs. Hutchinson (p. 285), alluding to the state of parties in 1647, says, "Indeed, as all virtues are mediums and have their extremes, there rose up after in that house a people, who endeavoured the levelling of all estates and qualities, which those sober levellers were never guilty of desiring; but were men of just and sober principles, of honest and religious ends, and were therefore hated by all the designing, self-interested men of both factions. Colonel Hutchinson had a great intimacy with many of these; and so far as they acted according to the just, pious, and public spirit which they professed, owned them and protected them as far as he had power. These were they who first began to discover the ambition of Lieut.-General Cromwell and his idolaters, and to suspect and dislike it." * Previous to that parliament, commonly called "Barebone's Parliament," when the House was fullest, their numbers did not much exceed one hundred, and on the most important divisions frequently not more than fifty or He who makes the most extenis falsely conunreflecting por sive professions, ceived by the to be their best tion of mankind friend. stroyed by a faction, who despised equity, law, and justice. CHARLES I. 1625-1649. A.D. 1625. Bad feeling of the commons to was composed of men, who were utterly regardless of equity, law and justice, who despised and designedly destroyed the constitution, because, during its existence, they were not enabled to carry their principles of liberty into full effect,that is, by an irresponsible tribunal to confiscate property,trample upon the birthrights of, and deprive of existence, all those who might conscientiously maintain any political or religious feelings at variance with their own; but such is practical liberty, when administered by those who are patriots but in name, or by the members of a popular assembly. 2. Proceedings of the First Parliament. Charles I. assembled a parliament at as early a period as it was possible, after the death of his father, and such was his confidence in national loyalty, that those connected with the court were prohibited from influencing the votes of the electors. Upon the meeting of parliament, the question of " supply” wards the king. Occupied immediate attention. The exchequer had been Although he had committed no exhausted for naval and military armaments,-anticipations by James I. had been made on the revenues of the crown,— who had also contracted debts with his subjects and foreign princes, and the country, with the concurrence of the commons, was engaged in an expensive war;-to meet these heavy and urgent demands, the commons voted a supply of two subsidies, amounting to 140,0007.', and made their grants of tonnage and poundage last but for one year instead of the king's life, as had for two centuries been the practice; on which account the bill was rejected by the lords2. This conduct illustrates the bad feeling of the commons illegal or tyran- against a king who at that period had committed no illegal or tyrannical act, either by word or deed; and, although he used every possible entreaty to obtain an increase, the commons nical act. sixty members; but it appears from the Journals, these men had retained in their own hands a great part of the executive government, notwithstanding the appointment of the "Council of State," especially the disposal of offices, which were shared by themselves and dependants, and in a manner unparalleled in history for corruption. 1 Cabala, 224. 6 Lingard, 240. 1 Hallam's Const. Hist. 514. 22 Parl. Hist. N. E. 6. 3 Dugdale, 25, 26. 6 Parl. Hist. 390, 396, 399. 1 Rushworth, 177, et seq. Franklyn, 108, 109. Com. Journ. August 10, 1625. 1625-1649. were inexorable, being pre-determined, under the mask of CHARLES I. "sanctity" and "patriotism," to reduce the crown to the most urgent distress, and then to dictate their terms of concession:-and as they afforded the crown only empty protestations of duty, mingled with "the misbodings of fanaticism, and the murmurs of distrust," were ultimately dissolved at Oxford. In order to pursue the Spanish war, privy seals were issued Issue of privy for borrowing money from the subject; but the amount thus seals. acquired was inadequate to the emergency, and greatly increased the unpopularity of the king3. 3. The Parliament of 1626. In 1626, the pecuniary necessities of Charles compelled him to call a parliament, and every improper effort was made to obtain a court preponderance. One of the expedients was to nominate the popular leaders of the opposition as sheriffs, by which they became incapacitated to serve as members of parliament'. This device, as shallow as extraordinary, while it provoked a clamour against the court, only increased the popularity of the individuals, and encouraged others to occupy their ground, by the character and importance that it earned. It proved that the king and his advisers laboured under the vulgar error, that a few leading men created the opposition, when in truth it arose from causes which these very men were indebted to for all their consequence, and which merely afforded a field for the exertion of talent, that always resides in the community. Members of the opposition nomi nated as sheriffs. ment pursued. The policy of the preceding parliament was immediately Policy of the pursued; four subsidies and three-fifteenths were voted, but preceding parlia the passing of that vote into a law was reserved till the end of the session; it was therefore apparent that, if the king did not yield to their wishes in every particular, he would receive no supply*. The impeachment of Buckingham was determined upon, Impeachment of and the "commons," to establish a character for their pure 6 Parl. Hist. 353, 374. Com. Journ. July 7, August 1, 1625. 1 Rushworth, 281. 6 Lingard, 239. 5 6 Parl. Hist. 407. 1 Rushworth, 192. 1 D'Ewes, 38. 1 Rushworth, 197. 1 Strafford's Letters and Despatches, Com. Journ. Feb. 10, 27, June 9, 1626. 30, 31. 6 Lingard, 246. 2 Brodie, 89. * 1 Rushworth, 224. 3 Com. Journ. March 27, 1626. 6 Parl. Hist. 449. Buckingham. 1625-1649. CHARLES I. sense of justice, in the absence of legal proof of his criminality, came to a vote, that "common fame was a good ground of accusation by the commons," and proceeded to frame articles against the duke, which were specimens of frivolity and falsehood. The commons carried their impeachment to the bar of the House of Lords, with a request that the duke might be committed to the Tower, but which was not complied with, because the commons had not heard any evidence in support of their accusation; and, however much such conduct of the commons ought to be execrated by posterity, yet it is impossible, in an abstract sense, to be the apologist of Buckingham, he who had, by his upstart insolence, caused the war with Spain, and he who, from the non-gratification of his adulterous lust', subsequently involved the nation in another war with France. Insults offered to the king. Notwithstanding the dependance of Charles upon the the commons by House, he seized every opportunity uselessly to insult them; thus during the impeachment of Buckingham, he caused him to be elected Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, and then wrote a public letter, eulogizing the duke, and returning them thanks for his election". 10 The king commanded the House not to meddle with his minister and servant, Buckingham; and ordered them to finish, in a few days, the bill which they had begun for the subsidies, and to make some addition to them; otherwise they Imprisonment of must not expect to sit any longer': he likewise sent to prison 1o Sir Dudley Digges and Sir John Elliott, who managed the impeachment against Buckingham before the House of Lords; but the commons insisted and obtained their immediate release, and it is doubtful whether the king had not recourse to wilful falsehood in order to justify his conduct". members. The king, not content with irritating the commons, pursued a similar course with the House of Lords, and forced that 5 1 Rushworth, 217. Whitlocke, 5. 6 Hume, 216. 1 Rushworth, 306, et seq.: 375, et seq. 3 Lords' Journ. 618. Com. Journ. March 25, 1626. Whitlocke, 7. 7 1 Clarendon, 38. 1 Motteville, 231. Cabala, 252, 253. 4 Mem. Cardinal de Retz, 185. 8 1 Rushworth, 371. Whitlocke, 7. 96 Parl. Hist. 444; sed vide Ibid. 451. 1 Rushworth, 225. Franklyn, 118. 10 1 Rushworth, 356. 11 Ibid. 358, 361. 1 Hatsell, 147. Franklyn, 180. Parl. Hist. 119. |