party joined Mr Windham in reprobating the peace.

The Ministry were extremely anxious, if possible, that a definitive arrangement with France should be made; and accordingly, the Marquis Cornwallis was sent to Paris, with full power to negotiate in name of the English Government. To such an extent were the negotiations protracted, that the British ministers had little hope of obtaining a permanent peace. At length, on the 27th March 1802, the definitive treaty was signed at Amiens. The parties in this treaty were, on the one side, the French Republic, the King of Spain, and the Batavian Republic, and on the other, the King of Great Britain and Ireland.

On the 13th May, the peace of Amiens, as it is termed, came under discussion in Parliament, when a most interesting and animated debate ensued. The speech of Mr Windham, in condemnation of the treaty, was peculiarly eloquent and energetic, objecting to it, on the ground that sacrifices had been made to France, without any compensation. In reply to Mr Windham, Lord Hawkesbury, in behalf of Ministers, entered into a full defence of the treaty, in a speech which was considered superior even to that of his antagonist.

Since his resignation Mr Canning had taken less interest than usual in Parliamentary affairs. But as a friend to the abolition of the Slave Trade, he was deeply interested in one part of the late treaty, the cession of Trinidad to Great Britain. This circumstance appeared to hold out an oppor tunity of effecting his favourite object in that island at least; and he therefore lost no time in making

a motion on the subject, the purport of which was to " prevent the importation of Slaves into Trinidad, until Parliament shall have made provision for the prohibition, limitation, or regulation of the importation of negroes into that island."

Parliament was dissolved on the 29th of June 1802. The Addington Administration was at that time at the height of its popularity, and therefore required to exert no undue influence to procure the return of members favourable to their interests. In the new elections which took place in the course of the summer, Mr Canning was chosen Member for the Borough of Tralee.

On the 13th November, the second Imperial Parliament was opened by his Majesty in person. In the debate upon the Address, Mr Canning stated at considerable length, and with the utmost freedom, his distrust of Ministers; and, at the same time, warmly defended the last Administration, which Mr Fox had attacked in the course of the discussion. Through the whole of this Session, Ministers met with a decided and powerful opponent in Mr Canning. The principal occasion, however, on which he exposed their weakness was in the discussion on the army estimates, on the 8th December. After one of the most brilliant speeches which Sheridan ever delivered, Mr Canning addressed the House in a style full of eloquence and vigour; and in the course of his remarks, asserted the utter incapacity of the existing administration to conduct the councils of the nation at such a crisis.

"If I am pushed to the wall," he said, "and forced to speak my opinion, I have no disguise nor reservation; I do think that this is a time when

the administration should be in the ablest and fittest hands; I do not think the hands in which it is now placed answer to that description; I do not pretend to conceal in what quarter I think that fitness most eminently resides; I do not subscribe to the doctrines which have been advanced, that in times like the present, the fitness of individuals for their political situation is no part of the consideration, to which a member of parliament may fairly turn his attention. I know not a more solemn or important duty that a member of parliament can have to discharge, than by giving at fit seasons a free opinion upon the character and qualities of public men. Away with the cant of measures not men!' the idle supposition, that it is the harness and not the horses that draw the chariot along! No, Sir, if the comparison must be made, if the distinction must be taken, men are every thing, measures comparatively nothing. I speak, Sir, of times of difficulty and danger; of times when systems are shaken, when precedents and general rules of conduct fail. Then it is, that not to this or that measure, however prudently devised, however blameless in execution, but to the energy and character of individuals, a State must be indebted for its salvation. Then it is that kingdoms rise or fall in proportion as they are upheld, not by well-meant endeavours, (laudable though they may be) but by commanding overawing talents; by able men. And what is the nature of the times in which we live ? Look at France, and see what we have to cope with, and consider what has made her what she is. A man. You will tell me that she was great, and powerful, and formidable before the date of Buonaparte's

government; that he found in her great physical and moral resources; that he had but to turn them to account. True, and he did so. Compare the situation in which he found France, with that to which he has raised her. I am no panegyrist of Buonaparte; but I cannot shut my eyes to the superiority of his talents, to the amazing ascendant of his genius. Tell me not of his measures and his policy. It is his genius, his character that keeps the world in awe. Sir, to meet, to check, to curb, to stand up against him, we want arms of the same kind. I am far from objecting to the large military establishments which are proposed to you. I vote for them with all my heart. But for the purpose of coping with Buonaparte, one great commanding spirit is worth them all. This is my undisguised opinion. But when I state my opinion thus undisguisedly, is my Right Honourable friend (Mr Pitt) to be implicated in a charge of prompting what I say? Sir, I wish not to speak of myself; but I must say thus much, we are both above such a suspicion. Such, however, is the charge brought against him, accompanied and aggravated by another not less disgraceful to him, of guiding at a distance, in secrecy and irresponsibility, the measures of the Government, and thus playing one part of his friends against the other. Of all the imputations to which that Right Honourable Gentleman could be subjected, I confess I did think that of intrigue and cabal the least likely to be preferred against him by any man who has witnessed his public conduct. Is there any thing in the life of that Right Honourable gen, tleman, is there any thing in the last years of his life, to justify such an accusation? No, Sir. The

other charge, that of guiding the administration, it is not for me to answer: but it is one no less grave and serious in itself, and requires a no less distinct and peremptory refutation. And I do trust, that his Majesty's Ministers will feel the strongest anxiety to remove an imputation equally discreditable to him and to themselves."

In the opening of 1803, the country was in a state of painful suspense in regard to the important question of war or peace; but it was generally feared that in a short time a new rupture with France would take place. This suspicion was too soon realised, for on the 8th of March, his Majesty sent down a message to the House of Commons, announcing that in the threatening aspect of affairs, he had judged it expedient to adopt additional measures of precaution for the security of his dominions. The address in reply to this message was moved by Mr Addington, and the speech of Mr Canning was judicious and forcible. Though the motion of Ministers pledging the House to support his Majesty met with considerable opposition, ten thousand additional seamen were voted to enable the King to fulfil his purpose.

As soon as the King's message had reached Paris, the French Government assured the English ambassador, that its intensions were pacific, but scarcely two days had elapsed when the Ambassador was publicly insulted at the Court of the Tuilleries. The hostile designs of the Consul now became evident; and the English Government still anxious to preserve peace, tendered an ultimatum in regard to the evacuation of Malta, which was the ostensible ground of offence. No reply, however, was given to the proposal, and the