hands which are interested to extend its ravages, and ren... ders itself responsible for the abuses, which result from so dangerous a delegation of sovereignty. For the purpose

of repressing them, the admiralty tribunals have been established throughout the different nations of Europe. In these tribunals, the government furnishes the means of information, by the facility with which it admits therein every species of claim. It preserves, by appeals, the right of deciding in the last resort on the contests which therein arise; and it gives the necessary time to enlighten its conscience on thorny questions, before the pronouncing of a sentence, which might extend or prolong the hor rours of war.

These, sir, are the reflections which experience has dic-. tated to me. They daily make on me a more lively impression on account of the claims addressed to me by my countrymen, of which I have communicated to you but a very small part. I always send to the tribunals the injured persons, by giving them the most positive assurances that they will there obtain complete and prompt justice.

I have the honour to be, &c.

GOUV. MORRIS.

TRANSLATION..

Extract of a Letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Mr. Morris, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Republick of France, dated Paris, October 14, 1793, 2d year of the French Republick.

THE extreme rigour, with which the English and the other belligerent powers, treat all the neutral vessels destined for France, has put the Republick to the painful necessity of arresting by way of reprisal, in such vessels the provisions belonging to its enemies. This severe measure, clearly explained in the decree of the 9th of May, of which I enclose you a copy, is the result of the most imperious circumstances-It will continue only as long as our enemies employ against us, means disapproved by the laws of humanity, and by those of war. In casting your eye on this law, you can hardly, sir, avoid the conviction, that it was necessary and just; that the Republick,

could no longer without inattention to itself, preserve tolerable decency towards its implacable and ferocious enemies, and that the system of depriving them of foreign produce, was also to dissipate its means of offence.

In comparing this law with the declarations made by the British government, at Stockholm, Copenhagen, Florence, and probably at Philadelphia; you will observe an extreme difference, between our manner of thinking and that of our enemies. You will see on the one hand, the firm determination of destroying several millions of victims, merely to satisfy a spirit of vengeance or of ambition, and on the other, the desire of repelling unjust aggressions by severe laws, and a regret at being reduced to that extremity.

Here then, sir, in two words is the situation in which the Republick stands. Its enemies have openly usurped the right of seizing, all the provisions which are destined to it, and even all the Frenchmen found on board of neutral vessels. But it seems that France, attacked on all sides, abandoned to its own strength, without allies, without foreign succour, should confine herself scrupulously to the maxims of the law of nations, so cruelly violated by her enemies. Hence it would result that the neutrality of several powers would be partial, that it would operate only in favour of our enemies, whose commerce would be peaceably carried on under the shelter of a borrowed flag, while ours could not, under any flag whatever.

The law of the 9th of May, is conditional, whilst the declarations of the combined powers are positive. It is in their power to put a period to the execution of this law, by permitting neutral vessels, to communicate freely with France.

These observations, sir, which you are too just not to appreciate, apply to the greater part of the claims, which you have addressed to me for some time. I have done with respect to several of them, all that depended on me, in order to obtain in favour of your countrymen, an exception of the general measures, adopted with regard to neutral nations. I have used among others, all the means with which your letters furnished me, to have restored the ship Laurens; but I have met with insurmountable obstacles, in the established laws, and in the opinion of the commercial tribunal of Havre. The tribunal has neglected no

thing to render justice to the owners of this vessel. It has consented among other things, to have translated 361 letters, merely to prove in the most authentick manner, the property of the cargo. The interested have besides avowed themselves, that they had neglected an essential formality required by our laws.

You must be satisfied, sir, with the manner in which the request, presented by the American captains, from Bordeaux, has been received. This fact, and several others of the same kind, which could not escape your attention, must have convinced you, that when the particular circumstances of the Republick, permitted the administration to favour your contrymen, it was eager to give to them, testimonies of the desire which it always has had, of bringing nearer and nearer the citizens, and the interests of the two countries.

We hope, that the government of the United States, will attribute to their true cause, the abuses of which you complain, as well as other violations of which our cruisers may render themselves guilty, in the course of the present war. It must perceive how difficult it is, to contain within just limits, the indignation of our marines, and in general of all the French patriots, against a people who speaks the same language, and having the same habits, as the free Americans. The difficulty of distinguishing our allies from our enemies, has often been the cause of offences, committed on board your vessels; all that the administration could do, is to order indemnification to those who have suffered, and to punish the guilty.

I enclose herein, several copies of the navigation act, decreed by the representatives of the people. I request you to make the dispositions of them known to the government of the United States. It will there find the basis of a system connecting more and more the interests of the two nations.

DEFORGUES.

P. S. I enclose herein, sir, an arret of the committee of publick safety, which fulfils in part, the object proposed in your letter of the 13th of this month. I shall have the honour of communicating to you, the measures which shall be taken in the sequel.

TRANSLATION.

The Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the Republick of France, to Monsieur Deforgues, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Paris, October 19, 1793.

SIR,-The attention which several pressing affairs required, made it impossible for me sooner to answer the letter which you did me the honour of writing to me on the 14th. I have examined, with respectful care, the decree of the 9th of May, emanating from the conduct of your enemies, and supported by some reasons to which you have given their greatest lustre. It is possible, sir, that the difference of our position leads us to see the same object in a different manner. But although I cannot be of your opinion, I do not intend farther to discuss the considerations which have produced the decision of the French government. I eonfine myself to the rendering of a faithful account of it to the government of the United States, and I am persuaded that in considering them, liberal friendship will put in the balance the difficulties of a revolution, and of a war without example. I ought, however, to observe to you, sir, that the question does not appear to me to turn on the law of nations, but on an exception to that law, by the stipulations of a treaty. This treaty, in derogating from this law, in favour of merchandises of your enemies found in our vessels, has derogated, in like manner, from it, to the prejudice of our merchandises found in the vessels of your enemies. We have seen at Philadelphia the publick sale of a cargo, the property of one of our citizens, taken by a French privateer on board an English vessel. All opposition was of no avail, because, according to the constitution, our treaties are the supreme law of the land.. You will agree, sir, that it is hard for my fellow citizens not to have the advantage either of the treaty or of the law of nations to lose their merchandises by the treaty, and not to be able to compensate themselves for it, under the protection of this same treaty, by the freight of enemy merchandises. In comparing the facts of the same epoch, you will be amazed on seeing what passed at Paris and at Philadelphia. Your good sense will lead you to anticipate the claims of our merchants, and the insinuations of our enemies.

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The foregoing are true translations and copies of the originals on file in the office of the department of state. GEO. TAYLOR, JUN. Chief Clerk.

January 16, 1794.

TRANSLATION.

NATIONAL CONVENTION.

Report upon the Navigation Act, made in the name of the Committee of Publick Safety. By B. Barrere. With two Decrees passed in the session of the 21st September, the 2d year of the French Republick, one and indivisible.

Printed by order of the Convention, transmitted to the Departments and to the Armies, and translated into all Languages.

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CITIZENS, It was on the 21st September, 1792, that the Convention proclaimed the liberty of France, or rather the liberty of Europe.

It is on the same day, the 21st September, 1793, that the Convention should proclaim the liberty of commerce, or rather the liberty of the seas.

It is not sufficient for you to have founded the political republick-it remains for you to found the commercial republick. The English navigation act was formed in the midst of a monarchical revolution; it bears the impression of the despot who created it. The French navigation act will be decreed in the midst of a democratick revolution; it will bear the impression of liberty and equality, which produced it.

If the French nation had resolved to give itself a navigation act, or to destroy the treaty of commerce of 1787, England would have declared against her a terrible war.

England has put herself at the head of a coalition of tyrants, to destroy our liberty; and from that moment France has acquired the right of supporting, with her cannon and her bayonet, the abolition of the treaty of commerce, and the establishment of a navigation act.

These advantages are the first fruits of this war; the establishment of liberty, the prosperity of the Republick, and the reanimation of commerce, will be the result of it.