not so easily appeased. The ground for it, in fact, grew daily stronger. One of the first objects of Lord Bolingbroke and Mrs. Masham had been to remove as much as possible from Court all warm partisans of the Hanover succession. None of these were left about her Majesty, except the Duke and Duchess of Somerset, who afforded no handle for dismissal. The Duke was Master of the Horse, a well-meaning man, but of shy proud habits and slender understanding; insomuch that, on one occasion, we find Marlborough justifying himself as from a serious imputation, from any idea of having trusted or employed him in affairs of importance (1). The Duchess, on the other hand, was a bold, imperious woman, with all that firmness of mind which her husband wanted. It was found that she was accustomed to ply the timid conscience of the Queen with hints on the terrors of Popery and the duty of securing the Protestant establishment. The floodgates of party virulence were instantly opened upon her; and a Protestant clergyman led the van against the inconvenient Protestant zealot. In his "Windsor Prophecy," Swift poured forth some most vehement invectives against the Duchess, reproaching her with having red hair, and with having connived at the murder of her first husband. It is difficult to guess which of these two accusations the Duchess resented most deeply, the latter being without a shadow of foundation, while the former, unhappily, could not be denied. To tell the truth of a lady's person is sometimes still more unpardonable than to spread falsehoods about her character. Certain it is, however, that the Duchess of Somerset became Swift's most deadly enemy, and, by her influence with her Royal mistress, was one of the principal means of excluding him from higher church preferment.

It may easily be supposed that however strong might have been Anne's Jacobite predilections, she found it necessary to conceal them with great care; and this was especially the case, since in her mind they were so frequently struggling with natural timidity and conscientious fears for the Established Church. Yet, in more than one instance, her family feelings burst through the veil which usually surrounded them. One of these is related by Lockhart of Carnwath. That zealous Jacobite having brought up what he terms a "high monarchical" address from the county of Edinburgh, was told by the Queen that she did not doubt his affection to her person, and hoped that he would not concur in any design to bring over the Prince of Hanover during her lifetime. Somewhat surprised at this sudden mark of confidence, "I told "her," says Lockhart, "that her Majesty might judge from the

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"address I had read, that I should not be acceptable to my con"stituents if I gave my consent for bringing over any of that family, either now or at any time hereafter. At this, adds Lockhart," she smiled, and I withdrew, and then she said to the "Duke of Hamilton she believed I was an honest man and a fair "dealer (1).

CHAPTER III.

Although the scope of this work does not lead me to notice, in detail, the merely local affairs of Scotland or Ireland, I must not omit that both the sister countries were then in a state of extraordinary ferment. In both, the Jacobite leaven was working far more strongly than in England; and it can scarcely be doubted, but that in Scotland that party comprised a majority, not only as to numbers, but also as to property. The Whig ministers had constantly kept a very apprehensive eye upon the Highland chiefs, whom they knew to have generally most disaffected principles and always most devoted followers. I may even assert, that the fierce and nearly fatal struggle which finally took place in 1745 had been clearly foreseen and anticipated, even in the reign of Queen Anne; and it has been a matter of just reproach to Walpole, that, preferring present ease to future safety, he did not, during his twenty years of peace and power, bring forward any measures, to break the discipline and avert the danger of these military bodies (2). So early as 1708, Stanhope had introduced a bill for that object, but had not been able to carry it through. The administration which came to the helm in 1710 was, as may well be supposed, by no means inclined to destroy these useful and ever ready weapons of the Jacobites; on the contrary, it even secretly assisted them with money. Their own Solicitor General for Scotland, Sir James Steuart, declared in the House of Commons that, to his certain knowledge, 3000l. or 4000l. had been yearly remitted to the most decided of the Highland clans (3). For this discovery Steuart was dismissed from office, but it formed the subject of a keen attack from the Duke of Argyle in the House of Lords. Oxford admitted the fact; but said in his defence that he had only followed the example of King William, who, after reducing the Highland clans, had allowed still more considerable pensions as hush-money (4).

(1) Lockhart's Comment. p. 317.

(2) See some judicious observations, ascribed to Mr. Macaulay, Edin. Review, No. 117. p. 245.

(3) Parl. Hist. vol. vi. p. 1275., and Lockhart's Comment. p. 459.

(4) Ibid. p. 1339. The payments of King William were made through the Earl of Breadalbane. It is said that, on being asked by the minister for a particular account of his disbursements, Breadalbane replied, "Why, my Lord, the

Nothing was alleged against this apology, and the Lord Treasurer's conduct was approved by the House. It may be observed, however, that if the payments of King William had been suspended during several years, there was required a reason as well as a precedent before they were renewed.

On the whole, it must be admitted that to rule Scotland at this period was a task of no ordinary difficulty. Its system of administration was, no doubt, fraught with gross and manifold abuses; but I believe that even the highest degree of perfection would not have secured it against the animosity and accusation of the Scotch. That high-spirited people bore with impatience any government from London-the ideas of subjugation and dependence were constantly floating before their eyes, and lending a distorted medium to every object they surveyed. In no part of their dominions had the Stuarts been urged to exercise such arbitrary and grinding power; in none had William the Third encountered more harassing and vexatious opposition. Even his practised patience had become at length exhausted. On one occasion, when the Duke of Hamilton was extolling Scotland to him, "My Lord," exclaimed his Majesty," I only wish that it was a hundred thousand miles off, and that you were King of it!" The Union, which was designed as a remedy to these heart-burnings, proved at first only their aggravation. Never did a treaty produce more ultimate advantage to a nation; never was any received with such general and thorough hatred (1). I have already had to detail the violent attempt made in the House of Lords for its repeal ; but that repeal was constantly held out as a bait by the Scotch Jacobites; and some even went so far as to declare that if they failed in regaining their freedom, they hoped at least to be able to deprive us of ours (2)!

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Ireland, at this period, was scarcely in a more tranquil situation. The ministers had sent in the autumn, as Lord Lieutenant, one of the most prominent characters of the age, the Duke of Shrewsbury. After having been connected in turn with almost every party, Shrewsbury's views as to the great point of the succession might at this time be considered doubtful. During his administration in the reign of William, he had stooped to a treasonable correspondence with St. Germains. On the other hand, when passing through Paris, on his way to Italy, he had, if indeed we may trust his own account in his journal (3), skilfully parried an indirect

proposal from that quarter. On the other hand, again, decided Jacobite partialities might be presumed from the part he had taken in tripping up the Whig administration of 1710, and from the trust reposed in him by the opposite party. Had he not been expected to come into the secret views of Bolingbroke and Ormond, he would surely never have been stationed at such confidential posts as Paris and Dublin. Yet, as will appear in the sequel, he deceived these ministers as he had their predecessors; his old principles triumphed, and, at the last crisis, he came forth a most timely and useful assertor of the Protestant cause.

The Duke arrived at Dublin on the 27th of October. His instructions were to take the same line as the Government in England; to profess unabated zeal for the House of Hanover, and thus lull the public apprehensions, and prevent a Protestant cry at the elections. Accordingly, he seized the first opportunity, at a public entertainment, to declare that "he was still the same as in 1688," and to drink to the "pious and glorious memory of King William; which, in Ireland, has always been a favourite party symbol. Soon afterwards, a riot having taken place in the Dublin election, and being, of course, like every other mischief, imputed to the Roman Catholics, the Duke ordered several of their chapels to be closed. Yet, with all his pains and professions, the Irish elections turned for the most part in favour of the Opposition. Scarcely had Parliament met before a struggle ensued in the Commons as to the choice of Speaker; and Sir Alan Brodrick, the Whig candidate, was elected by a majority of four. The Whig party fell next upon the Lord Chancellor, Sir Constantine Phipps, who had lately countenanced the Jacobites almost without disguise, and an address was voted to the Queen for his removal. On the other side, the Lords, where the Court party was the stronger, took up the Chancellor's cause, passed a counter-address in his favour, and severely censured Mr. Nuttall, a lawyer, for having called his Lordship "a canary-bird," which, it seems, is an Hibernian term of reproach. It became evident that a collision was preparing between both Houses, and that the Lower was ripe for the most violent determinations. In this state of things, the Ministers, not less afraid of its effects in Ireland than of 1's example in England, sent directions to Shrewsbury to prorogue the Parliament, and it sat no more this reign. The Duke, on his part, anxious to watch the progress of events at Court, obtained leave of absence, and set out for England, leaving Sir Constantine Phipps and two Archbishops as Lords Justices.

That more important assembly, the Parliament of Great Britain, met on the 16th of February, 1714, and though the Tories had a large and undoubted majority in this House of Commons, yet here,

him, I would much rather it were here than in England. This reply dashed all further discourse "of this kind." Corresp. p. 185.

also, the choice of Speaker fell upon a member who had lately opposed several of their measures, Sir Thomas Hanmer. No person was even set up on the other side; partly on account of the weight and merit of Sir Thomas, partly because Oxford and Bolingbroke had hopes of regaining him and the other moderate Tories, and partly from their difficulty in agreeing amongst themselves as to the choice of a candidate.

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The earliest attention of both Houses was turned to the public press, and to those pamphlets of which my last chapter gave a full account. Her Majesty's opening speech had contained a "wish that “effectual care had been taken, as I have often desired, to suppress those seditious papers and factious rumours by which "designing men have been able to sink public credit, and the in"nocent have suffered. There are some who are arrived to that 66 height of malice as to insinuate that the Protestant succession in "the House of Hanover is in danger under my government!

It soon appeared that, as far as this system of libels was concerned, both Houses, though in very opposite directions, were smarting from its stings. The Tory House of Commons proceeded against the "Crisis," a new pamphlet of Steele's (1). The Whig House of Lords proceeded against an answer to that pamphlet, called "The Public Spirit of the Whigs." Swift was well known to be the author, but had not affixed nor announced his name, so that the anger of the Peers could wreak itself only on the publisher and printer. These were immediately summoned to the bar. And here it may be observed that Swift, throughout his whole career, never showed the slightest scruple at allowing his underlings to suffer in his place, nor thought of relief to them by exposure of himself. The alleged ground of offence in "The Public Spirit of "the Whigs," was a bitter and insulting attack upon the whole Scotch nation in treating of the Union; and the majority of the House took up the matter warmly. The Lord Treasurer, on his part, protested he knew nothing of the pamphlet, exclaimed against the malicious insinuations contained in it, and readily joined in an order for committing the publisher and printer to the custody of the Black Rod.

It may assist our judgment of Oxford's character to observe, that at the very time he was thus professing his ignorance of the author, and his detestation of the book, he wrote letter to Swift in a counterfeit hand, expressing his sympathy, and enclosing a bill for 100l. (2). Lord Wharton, however, still pressed to have Barber,