lowed to ask, the feelings with which a generous country should desire its great men to regard it? Is it not also to be feared that the country may thus have lost the advantage of much enterprise and genius which would otherwise have been exerted for its service? And, above all, have we any ground to hope that the very excess of the evil, which undoubtedly works out its own cure so far as private feelings are concerned, has at all the same effect with regard to public delusion or exasperation?

From this long, but I hope not superfluous digression, I return to the schemes and proceedings of the British administration. In the period between the dissolution of the old Parliament and the meeting of the new one, in February, 1714, the party of Bolingbroke in the cabinet appears to have exerted a decided preponderance over that of Oxford. In the same proportion as his influence increased, the tendency of every measure grew more and more in favour of the Pretender and his partisans. We have now laid open to public view, in Macpherson's and Lockhart's volumes, the most confidential correspondence of that period, secret reports from the agents both of Hanover and of St. Germains; and it is very remarkable that, widely as these letters differ in all their views and wishes, and sources of information, they yet perfectly agree as to the fact of the new counsels of England being for the interests of the latter. The Hanoverians write with bitterness and alarm; the Jacobites in a most confident and joyous tone. "The "changes," says the Jesuit Plunkett (1), "go on by degrees to the "King's advantage; none but his friends advanced or employed in "order to serve the great project. Bolingbroke and

"Oxford do not set their horses together, because he (Oxford) is "so dilatory, and dozes over things, which is the occasion there are so many Whigs chosen this parliament. Though there are "four Tories to one, they think it little. The mi"nistry must now sink or swim with France (2)." So strong was, in fact, the Jacobite conviction on this point, that the Pretender wrote with his own hand recommending the ministry to the support of his friends in England; and on the 19th of September, Nairne, his Under Secretary of State, sent a still more specific injunction to the Jacobites that they should assist the Tories at the elections, and promote all the measures of the Court.

The new appointments at that Court were likewise nearly all

(1) This Plunkett, under the name of Rogers, was a stirring Jacobite agent, who had previously dipped in a most detestable conspiracy against the Duke of Marlborough. He assured the ministers that Marlborough and the principal Whigs meant to fire the city, seize the Queen, murder Oxford, etc. See Coxe's Life, vol. vi. p. 167.

(2) Letters dated Oct. 7. and 28. 1713. Macpherson. vol. ii. p. 439. and 446. The Queen is always termed Princess Anne, and often men

such as to possess no small claim to this support. Sir William Wyndham became Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Duke of Athol received the Privy Seal for Scotland, the Earl of Mar the seals of Secretary of State for the same kingdom. The vacant Bishopric of Rochester and Deanery of Westminster were both conferred on Atterbury, a Jacobite divine of great abilities and still greater ambition.

But one of the principal steps to which Bolingbroke and Ormond applied themselves for the promotion of their final object, and which may serve as an additional proof of it, was new-modelling the troops. Even in May we find Plunkett stating, "We are "paying and discarding the army every day. It is observable "those that were of Oliver's (King William's) making are laid "aside (1)." The Duke of Ormond was made Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, thus placing under his control the principal strongholds of the coast (2); and Berwick and Edinburgh were in like manner entrusted to sure hands. But the influence of the Duke of Marlborough over troops whom he had so often led to victory and never once to failure, was naturally looked upon as a most formidable obstacle. The personal enemies of that great man were therefore eagerly brought forward by the Government, and his friends, at every opportunity, dismissed the service, or at least withdrawn from active employment. A scheme was even formed by Ormond for compelling several such officers to sell their commissions, and Government was to advance 10,000l. to assist some of their own creatures in becoming the purchasers (3). But this project, fraught as it was with danger to the Hanover succession, was happily baffled by Oxford's neglecting to provide the requisite funds; and, in fact, throughout all this period the usual inertness of that minister, and perhaps we may add his disinclination to the Jacobite cause, acted as a drag-chain on the headlong career and downward descent of his colleagues (4).

It was not only in their negotiations abroad and their government at home, that the English ministers befriended the heir of the Stuarts; they had much at heart a still more effectual step for his service, by persuading him to renounce, or at least pretend to renounce, the Roman Catholic faith. An apparent accession to the Church of England was, therefore, on high authority, and on many occasions, eagerly pressed upon James. In July, 1712, we find a letter from the Duke of Buckingham, urging that measure with the utmost vehemence as the one thing needful (5). In February,

'(1) Macpherson's Papers, vol. ii. p. 412. See an account of the regiments disbanded in the Journals of the House of Commons, vol. xvii. p. 293.

(2) A previous and ineffectual attempt had been made to induce the Earl of Dorset to give up Dover Castle. See H. Walpole's letter to Mann, May 17. 1749.

(3) See Swift's Works, vol. vi. p. 444. note.

(4) Marshal Berwick observes, "Le Trésorier "différait de jour à autre de régler l'armée mal"gré les sollicitations du Duc d'Ormond avec le"quel à l'insu d'Oxford j'étais en commerce de "lettres." (Mém. vol. ii. p. 128.) See also the extracts from the Stuart Papers, Appendix. (5) Macpherson's Papers, vol. ii. p. 327.

1714, Oxford dictated a letter from Gaultier to the Pretender, assuring him that if he wished to be sure of the succession, it was absolutely requisite that he should dissemble his religion, or change it for that established amongst his countrymen; and that so long as he continued a Roman Catholic the Queen would do nothing for him (1). The language of Bolingbroke, on many occasions, was the same; and at last he observed to Iberville, that if the Elector of Hanover ever did mount the throne of England it would be entirely through the fault of the Pretender, in refusing to do what was quite indispensable to gain the hearts of the nation and allay their apprehensions (2). Nor were these remonstrances and wishes confined to Protestant statesmen; it appears from other letters of Iberville that several leading Catholics concurred in them (3). "According to the information I receive on all hands," writes that agent, "there is not one Tory fool-hardy enough to say a single "word that shall pledge him to acknowledge King James after the death of the Queen, nor perhaps who is really disposed to "favour him, unless he will become a member of the Church of 66 England. It seems to me that within the last few days the "Protestant Jacobites speak pretty openly in this sense. Nay more, most of them think that he cannot hesitate or scruple "to take that course. They believe that the delay in his doing "so at this dangerous crisis of the Queen's health (a delay of "which they all disapprove) is owing only to his expecting some "assurances that if he takes that step he shall be acknowledged as the heir (4).

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The Pretender was now nearly in the same situation as his great-grandfather, Henry the Fourth of France; when many even of his Huguenot followers implored him to sacrifice his faith for the attainment of his throne. His uncle also, Charles the Second, had, in 1660, consented to suppress his secret religious predilections. But to the great and lasting honour of James he disdained any such unworthy compromise with his conscience; and he wrote a very able letter, to be circulated amongst his partisans in England, and in which he declared his fixed determination neither to dissemble nor to change (5); a rare and admirable instance of religious sincerity in princes. It was hoped, however, by the Pretender, that this letter might have the good effect of increasing the confidence of his friends, since he who thus preferred his conscience to his interests might be more surely relied on in his solemn promises to respect the religious establishment and constitutional rights of others. But such an argument was far too refined for popular apprehension; his sincerity, though a merit in him, must

(1) Gaultier, to the Pretender, Feb. 6. 1714.

(2) Iberville to Torcy, July 2. 1714.

(3) Letters of Iberville, beetween June 23. and July 12. 1714.

(4) Iberville to Torcy, February 26. 1714,

(5) See this letter in Macpherson's Papers, vol. ii. p. 525. The ill effect it had produced is mentioned by Iberville to Torcy, just before the Queen's death. July 20. 1714.

have been a misfortune to England had he come to the throne; and, however praiseworthy might be the sentiments of his letter, its general circulation at such a period cannot be considered otherwise than ill-timed and injudicious.

This letter, however, by no means put an end to the importunities of the Jacobites with the Pretender, nor to their exertions for him. Both continued with unabated ardour; and the latter, at least, with good prospects of success.

On the other side, the friends of the Protestant succession, fully aware of their danger, no less endeavoured to take their measures in case of an appeal to arms. In the absence of Marlborough, and in want of his master-mind, they considered Stanhope as their military chief; and that general became the pivot of several important schemes and missions. He held some private conferences with the principal officers of the French refugees, a numerous body, and zealous for the Protestant cause. He despatched several officers to the opposite coasts to ascertain the movements of the troops, and to guard against the Pretender secretly collecting and landing at the head of any considerable force (1). He and his friends were also brooding over a scheme no less adventurous and decisive than that which they dreaded in their opponents; for they had it in contemplation that, on the Queen's death, or dangerous illness, or perhaps even greatly declining health, the Elector should come over with a body of troops (2). Such a design was, of course, kept scrupulously secret; yet, as we shall find, it came to the knowledge of ministers in the course of the ensuing spring. It was supported by Marlborough with all his influence, and he sent General Cadogan from abroad to concert with Stanhope the necessary arrangements for that purpose (3). Yet the Duke positively refused to commit himself in documents, by putting his name to an association which had been framed by the most eminent of the Whigs in England, and brought to him at Antwerp by Mr. Onslow—a refusal not unattended, on their part, by some disappointment and suspicion.

The Court of Hanover, however, on this as on other occasions, showed but little readiness to second the exertions of its friends in England. The Dowager Electress was still living at the advanced age of eighty-two, and sometimes appeared jealous of the attention of her son to affairs in which she, as the next heir, considered herself chiefly concerned. From age she was slow and dilatory, as much as the Elector from temper. Both of them displayed, also, either an ill-judged parsimony, or a surprising poverty, in refusing

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"they had orders to be ready to march upon a "moment's warning." Kreyenberg to Robethon, Feb. 16. 1714. Macpherson's Papers, vol. ii. p. 567.

(1) "The officers sent by Mr. Stanhope to the "Boulonnais and Flanders are returned; and report that they found no troops in motion there, "only that nine Irish battalions and a regiment "of dragoons were advanced from Lorraine, and "in quarters at Douay, Valenciennes, and Hesdin, and that the officers said openly that p. 263.

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(2) Macpherson, vol. ii. p. 472, etc.

(3) See Coxe's Life of Marlborough, vol. vi.

to lay out small sums, from time to time, according to the advice and entreaties of their English correspondents. In vain was it urged upon them that a very moderate expense might secure some doubtful elections or determine some wavering friends (1). In vain did Marlborough especially beseech the Elector not to spare his money, and offer to assist him with a loan of 20,000l. So far from being able or willing to enter into such expenses, the Elector, at this very period, was himself soliciting a pension for his mother from Queen Anne (2)!

Such means as calling in an armed force and buying mercenary partisans the sword and the purse-appear strange expedients for securing a succession which was not only the regular and appointed course of law, but rooted in the hearts of three fourths of the English people at that period. Yet let us not too rashly condemn the statesmen who had recourse to these expedients. Let us remember how firmly established was the administration against which they had to strive; how fearful the dangers from which they finally delivered us! Nor let it be forgotten that no suspicion of any personal lucre or advantage to themselves, nor of illegal violence against their opponents, ever attached to their counsels, either for the application of money or for the landing of troops.

The broken health of the Queen, at this period, was another circumstance that stimulated both parties to exertion, as showing the importance of time. Her Majesty's constitution had in carly life been injured by repeated miscarriages. Having of late years grown large and unwieldy, she could no longer take her former exercise of hunting, whilst she still continued to indulge somewhat too freely at her table; and she became subject to fits of the gout, which gradually grew more and more frequent and severe. Other ailments also intervened. On the 24th of December, she was şeized with an inflammatory fever, and for several days remained alarmingly ill. Meanwhile various reports spread abroad, and, as usual, the less that was known the more there was rumoured. Even her Majesty's death was more than once asserted. The monied men were seized with a panic. The funds fell. A run was made upon the Bank, and a deputation hastened up in fear and trembling to the Lord Treasurer, to request his advice and assistance. Under his direction, the Queen wrote a letter to the Lord Mayor announcing her recovery (3); and a short time afterwards still more satisfactorily confirmed her own account, by arriving in London and opening Parliament in person.

The alarm, however, caused by Anne's undoubted jealousy of Hanover, and supposed predilection towards St. Germains, was