My opinion, then, after weighing again and again the whole matter, is, that it is most advisable not to meddle in urging the royal prerogative to reject the bill for taxing absentees, should such a bill be sent over. The operation of the bill is excessively severe, no doubt, against absentees; but the principle of that severity seems founded in strong Irish policy; which is to compel more of the product of the improved estates of that kingdom to be spent by the possessors there, amongst their tenants, and in their own consumptions, rather than here in England, and in foreign parts. England, it is evident, profits by draining Ireland of the vast incomes spent here from that country. But I could not, as a peer of England, advise the King on principles of indirect, accidental English policy, to reject a tax on absentees, sent over here, as the genuine desire of the Commons of Ireland, acting in their proper and peculiar sphere, and exercising their inherent, exclusive right, by raising supplies in the manner they judge best. This great principle of the constitution is so fundamental, and, with me, so sacred and indispensable, that it outweighs all other considerations.

This is, my dear Lord, the best result I have been able to gather, by attentively considering this important subject. The matter is extensive and very complicated, involving a variety of questions, which are beside my present view; namely, what is it my duty to do, in advising the sovereign, with regard to the just exercise of the prerogative? The

place for opposition to the measure in question seems to me, to be no other than Ireland itself. There, the exertions of all the weight of the absentees would be natural and constitutional: here, I confess, I cannot applaud them, if applied to constrain the Crown to reject the desires of the Commons of Ireland, with regard to the supplies.

After being tedious, on the foregoing subject, allow me now, my dear Lord, to come to the two very different publications you were so good as to send me. That from America is a most serious and alarming perspective. I hope government will have wisdom and humanity enough to choose the happy alternative; and give to America a constitutional representative, rather than hazard an unjust and impracticable war.

Mr. Franklin's preface is important, considering the sobriety and worthiness of that gentleman's character. Your church pamphlet is not of so serious a nature; the author has certainly very lively parts, and an ingenious pen, but he is a most singular apostle Paul reversed: he was the apostle of the Gentiles, in order to make them Christians; this, luminary is to show those who sit in the darkness of the Gospel how to form a church of infidels, and to substitute the President of the Royal Society in the place of the poor Archbishop of Canterbury; and send our worthy and learned friend Dr. Price, with his declaration, to be instructed by the enlightened sons of the Koran and the Synagogue. Your Lordship will think me a very

notable divine, and our pleasant latitudinarian, whoever he be, would, notwithstanding his tolerating spirit, excommunicate me for a hypocrite or a simpleton. A-propos of divines and bishops, I am charmed and edified by the Sermon on America, preached by the Bishop of St. Asaph. (1) This noble discourse speaks the preacher, not only fit to bear rule in the church, but in the state; indeed, it does honour to the right reverend bench. I am your Lordship's most obliged and affectionate

Humble servant,

CHATHAM.

THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO THE EARL OF

CHATHAM.

London, Sunday, October 31, 1773.

MY DEAR LORD,

I CERTAINLY Wanted no proof of your Lordship's friendship or of its importance: if I had, the honour of your Lordship's letter of the 24th would have been sufficient. I must at the same time own, that the

(1) Dr. Jonathan Shipley. He was promoted to the see of St. Asaph, on the death of Bishop Newcombe, in 1769; in which he remained till his death in 1788. The sermon to which Lord Chatham alludes is the one preached in February 1773, before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, from Luke, ch. ii. v. 14., "Glory be to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good-will towards men."

light your Lordship views the measure in, though it did not strike me quite so strongly at first, is a most important one. We have owed, and must continue to owe, every thing to our form of government, of which the right of the Commons to raise supplies is the most fundamental and indispensable pillar. At any rate, I had not a moment's hesitation in ceding to your Lordship's opinion, from no motive of compliment or prudence; for I am perfectly sensible, from my own feelings towards my friends in cases of difference what your Lordship's must be, from whose fountain I have acquired the little pretension I have to liberality of sentiment; but from a very real deference to your Lordship's judgment and experience; and I have taken my measures accordingly.

Lord Rockingham has called here twice, and I have called upon him as often upon this business. I took occasion the last time to tell him, to prevent the possibility of the least disappointment in my conduct, that I should certainly be very much governed by your Lordship's opinion, and, whatever my first impressions might have been, should lend a willing mind to your reasoning on the subject, for very obvious reasons. I told him further, in general terms, that I had reason to believe your Lordship's opinion to be, that Ireland was the proper place for opposition to the measure, and that here it became a very different question, whether to advise the Crown to reject the desire of the Irish Commons in matter of supplies. I desired it might be in confidence, as I was not accustomed to say more than

what regarded myself, except when particularly desired. He expressed great surprise, apprehended that if any measure could produce general union, and draw a person from the country, it must be this, which from daily conversations and accounts, as well as from the nature of it, could not fail to interest and animate the whole kingdom. He concluded by supposing, that either my impetuosity or over-warmth, or some defect in the statement of the question, could alone have given such an inclination to your Lordship's judgment, and that upon a fuller state and further consideration you might come to adopt a different judgment. I entered as lightly as I could into this part; content to answer my own object, and desirous to commit your Lordship's opinion as little as possible without your particular desire.

I shall take care to inform your Lordship further, as this business proceeds. The present accounts from Ireland are different, some that it will pass the House of Commons, others not. All agree, that it will be pushed, and I should myself suppose carried. Lord Mayor tells me that he finds the flame likely to catch within the city, where all the companies are interested, and many small individuals. Lord Rockingham tells me that he has made a list of upwards of a hundred persons of considerable property.

I have felt most exceedingly for your Lordship and Lady Chatham, on account of the news from Cambridge, and long as this letter is, should make