enemies of France, at this very instant negotiations were going on between all the great powers for the re-establishment of a permanent peace; and the Count de Narbonne, and the Duke of Vicenza, were the diplomatists on the side of Napoleon at the congress of Prague.

What the nature of these negotiations was we will not pretend to guess, but this, without hesitation, we can affirm, that, situated as Napoleon then was, at the head of 200,000 fighting men, the allies neither hinted nor could make to the leader of the French, any offer having for basis the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of their ancestors; the allies were in no condi. tion to make so outrageous a proposal at the expiration of the armistice which preceded the hostilities of 1813, nor was Napoleon in a state to render it necessary for him to consider such, had it ever been made*. But our proofs shall not stop here: we will convince our readers that, much later than July, the allies were indifferent about the Bourbons.

On the 1st December, 1803, appeared the Declaration of Frankfort; it set forth,-That the allies were willing to guarantee to the French

Narrative of the Campaign in Saxony in 1813, Lieut. Col. Baron Von Odeleben, of the Saxon Guard, vol. 1, p. 247, and following.

empire an extent of territory which France never possessed during the reign of her kings*.

In the latter days of 1813, the Baron de St. Aignan, minister of France at the court of Weimar, had an official conversation with Prince Metternich, the Austrian minister, in which the latter expressly announced that no design was entertained against the sovereignty of the Emperor Napoleon *.

In 1814 the Emperor of Austria assured the Empress Maria Louisa that, whatever might occur, he would never separate the interest of his daughter and grandson from that of France *.

Prince Metternich also, about the same time, wrote to the Duke of Vicenza, "Our wishes are in favour of a family so closely connected with our own*.

And if further proof were wanting how unconcerned the allies felt as to the old French dynasty, it is to be found in the remark of the Emperor of Russia, made at the first council held by the allies after their entrance into Paris:-" We have now," said the emperor, "three courses open to us; 1st, To make peace with Napoleon; 2d, To establish a regency; 3d, To restore the Bourbons. When, therefore, the tri-colour had

* Manuscript of 1814, by Baron Fain, p. 283, 49, 287, 331, and 223; see also Napoleon Memoirs (Montholon), vol. 2, p. 404.

F

ceased to wave over the dome of the Thuilleries, it was then, even then, a matter of doubt-of hesitation of debate, whether or not the allies would reinstate the exiled king; and yet, in the face of these facts, the Editor tells us that the allies were in league with Louis, even previously to the battle of Dresden, and that, on this account, Moreau was justified in the part he took. Is it possible to be more incorrect, or to advance more heedlessly, statements of whose untruth the Editor of the New Times ought to have been fully aware? But thus runs the world away; the weak are imposed upon, the jaundiced eye of the many is flattered, the prejudices of the prejudiced are increased, and every bad passion is pampered, to gratify an unworthy hatred and to satisfy the craving of party spirit.

Alas, Moreau! When the Constable de Bourbon found the brave Bayard ekeing out his last breath on the banks of the Sessia, he could ill restrain those feelings to which the sufferings of the knight gave rise,-"I die," answered the veteran, "as a man should die, and am no object of commiseration; it is you, constable, who are to be pitied, for you fight against your king, your country, and your honour *."

The Constable de Bourbon commanded the imperialists. -History of France, temp. Francis I.

Alas, Moreau! When the changes from the republican to regal forms under Cromwell were announced to the gallant Blake, no one-for he was a staunch republican-could receive the intelligence with less satisfaction than the sturdy admiral; yet never was he known to traduce his country, and never did he cease to repeat to his sailors, that it was their bounden duty to fight for that country, into whatever hands the government of it might fall*.

Alas, Moreau! how different were thy sentiments, how different must have been thy feelings: the patriotism which fired the soul of a Bayard and a Blake was a total stranger to thy heartless bosom; and, though born to be the ornament and natural protector of thy country, thou hast descended into the tomb with no better reputation than what the frigid charity of foreign hands has been pleased to bestow on thy stricken faine.

* History of England, Smollett, vol. 2, p. 98.

CHAP. VI.

FRIENDS OF NAPOLEON.

"IT must be confessed that much friendship could not be expected to subsist between such men as he (Napoleon) and his associates appear to have been by his own description. A truly great man, having to choose his friends from a whole empire, would surely have found some virtuous and honourable individuals to whom to attach himself; but who were Buonaparte's bosom friends and companions?-Talleyrand, Fouché, Ney, -New Times, September, 1822.

THE wars of Louis XIV.,-the profligacy of that illustrious monarch's reign,-the still greater profligacy which distinguished the rule of the Regent d'Orleans, and the even more than profligacy that marked both the public and private life of Louis le Bien-Aimé,-with the corruption engendered by the revolution,-all and severally had naturally produced a relaxation in those great moral principles by which the mass of every civilized nation must be swayed, and had destroyed the better qualities of a large proportion of the wealthier classes of French society. That Napoleon, therefore, on his accession to power, should find him