upon invitation, he proceeded into Den- papers the character of queen Ann will be found nearly (f) See note II. p. 31. And Mr Winwood, in a letter to the lord Cranborne, [*] Sept. 12, 1604, O. S. fays, "the followers of the con"ftable (of Caftile) in their relation of England, gave "forth, that the queen was wholly theirs." (g) Mr. Le- (g) Winvinus Muncke (fecretary to the earl of Salisbury) in a let- wood, Vol. ter to Mr. Winwood, Oct. 29, 1605, tells him, " Mons. "Caron (the Dutch ambaffador) with much ado spake "firft with the queen, and afterward with the prince. "I was glad, adds he, I was made an instrument, under "my lord, of his acceffes; for otherwife, without his "affiftance, I fear me, he had never spoken with her; "for let me tell you in your ear without offence, she is meerly Spanish, and had promised Arenberg (am"baffador from the arch-dukes) not to fpeak with CaBut the best is, fhe carrieth no fway in state. 66 matters, and præter rem uxoriam hath no great reach "in other affairs." (b) However, the Spaniards valued (6) Id. p. her friendship, and upon a letter from her to the '55. queen of Spain, "a large penfion was granted to one "Carre, a Scott." (i) Sir Charles Cornwallis, ambaf- (i) Id. p.) fador in Spain, in a letter to the earl of Salisbury, A-149. pril 13, 1609, writes, that "the [Spanish] ambassador "" ron. hath advertised that the queen fhould fay unto him, " he might one day peradventure fee the prince on a "pilgrimage at St. Jago. Whereupon, tho' doubtlefs. "the fpake in merriment, they here much infer, and "feem to hope that his majefty will be contented to "fend him hither to receive the rest of his education "here, yf the inclination of alliance continues." (k) (4) Vol. III. Sop, iz. D (m) Winwood, Vol. Vol. III. p. 117. and 454. (n) Id. p. 117. spent the winter, and returned not into Scotland till May 20, 1590. During the remainder of his reign in Scotland, he was engaged in troubles with his So that from these paffages 'tis plain. Sully did not mifreprefent this queen, in faying, "no one doubted but the "was inclined to declare herself abfolutely on the Spa"nifh fide." As to pomp and grandeur, pleasures and amufements, whoever will take the trouble of confulting the pages referred to in the margin, will fee abundant proof of it (m). For from these it appears that her inclinations were much towards mafques and revels, ftate and grandeur, which probably ran her in debt, and made her melancholy, 'till the king augmented her jointure, and paid her debts (n). Sir Edward Peyton represents her indeed in a much worfe light. According to him, befides Gowry, [it fhould be Gowry's brother] fhe had a great number of gallants, both in Scot(o) Peyton's land and England (). But what he fays on this head, divine ca- is to me fo very improbable, that I will not trouble the the house of reader with it.- -She died of a dropfy March 1, Stuarts, p. 1618-19, at Hampton-Court, without much lamentation from the king, though fhe was not unbeloved by the people. Ofborn obferves, that he himself faw" James "one evening parting from the queen, and taking his "leave at her coach fide, by kiffing her fufficiently to "the middle of the fhoulders; for fo low, fays he, "fhe went bare all the days I had the fortune to know "her; having a fkin far more amiable than the features "it covered, though not the difpofition, in which re tastrophe of JO, II. Lond. 1731. 8vo. (p) Ofborn, P. 496. (9) Rufh port rendered her very debonair." (p) But notwithstanding the debonairness of her difpofition, fhe could not influence her husband, who weakly permitted his favourites to ill treat her (q). This probably might in worth's hif time alter her difpofition, and caufe her to act with lections, wisdom and prudence, and avoid feaftings, revels and Vol. I. p. factions. For archbishop Abbot, (a worthy venerable 456. Fol. prelate) many years after her death, fpeaks of her with torical col. Lond. 1659. great his nobility; in quarrels with his clergy; and in writing his paraphrafe on the revelations (). His dæmonoligie, ftiled a rare great refpect, and as of one whofe virtue he had not the leaft doubt of, which, I dare fay, he would not have done, had her character, in his eye, been upon the whole faulty (r). I have been the longer upon the cha−(r) Id. ib. racter of this princess, because it has been little known; our hiftorians contenting themselves to speak one after the other, without examination, whereby, for the most part, it cometh to pass, that they tend little to improve or inftruct; and, which is worfe, fix fuch ideas of things and persons as are difficult to be eradicated, tho' ever fo false. to king () In writing his paraphrafe on the revelations.] "This paraphrafe (fays Dr. Mountague) was written by "his majesty before he was twenty years of age." (a) (a) Preface And James, at the end of his epiftle to the church mi- James's litant, prefixed to this paraphrafe, defires" that what works. "was found amifs in it might be imputed to his lack "of years and learning." (b) A ftrange work this for (6) Works, a youth to undertake, and an argument of very great •3• weakness. For who knows not that this book has exercifed the wits of the most learned and understanding men, from the beginning of the chriftian church; and who is there ignorant that the world has been little the wifer for their lucubrations? Great learning, induftry, and piety have been discovered, it must be owned, in feveral commentators on this book, but ftill it remains in many parts obfcure, as at the beginning (c). What (c) See then must we think of a raw young man who fhall Mede, wade fo far out of his depth, and fet up for an expound- More, Newer of the deepest myfteries? Ought we not to cenfure man, &c. his temerity, and condemn his boldnefs? And much more reasonable will this appear when we confider that James was a prince, and confequently a perfon whose bufinefs it was to apply himself to affairs of government, D 2 and ton, Low. (d) Preface to James's works. a rare piece for many precepts and experi ments and confult the welfare of his people. This was his proper bufinefs; the other was out of his province, and answered no end, either to himself or others. Indeed, if Montague is right, these reflections are ill founded. He tells us "kings have a kind of intereft in this book. "[the Revelations] beyond any other; for as the exe"cution of the moft part of the prophecies of that book "is committed unto them, fo it may be, that the in"terpretation of it may more happily be made by them; "and fince they are the principal inftruments that God "hath defcribed in that book to destroy the kingdom of "antichrift, to confume his ftate and city; I see not "but it may ftand with the wisdom of God to inspire their hearts to expound it." (d) This is admirable! and well worthy of a court chaplain who had still hopes of preferment. But, with this bifhop's good leave, I will take on me to affirm, that James's work is far enough from being a proof that the Revelations may be more happily interpreted by kings than by others; or that God puts it into their royal hearts at any time to expound it. For to fpeak in the fofteft manner of this performance, it must be faid to be poor, low, and mean, and incapable of bringing any honour to the composer. Subjoined to this paraphrafe is a fruitful meditation, containing a plain and eafy expofition, or laying open of the feventh, eighth, ninth and tenth verfes "of the twentieth chapter, of the Revelation, in form "and manner of a fermon." Here he plainly intimates his opinion that the church of Rome is Antichrift. When this was first printed at Edinburgh it had this title.- "Ane fruitful meditation containing ane "plaine and facile expofition of the 7, 8, 9 and 10 "verses of the XX. chap. of the revelation in forme "of ane fermone. Set down by the maist chriftiane "king and fyncier profeffour and cheif defender of the "faith, James the oth king of Scottis. 2 Theff. i. 6, 66 7, 8. For it is ane righteous thing with God. Im 66 "premit ments in divinity and natural philofo 66 phy; 87. premit at Edinburgh be Henrie Charteris, 1588." (e) (e) Lewis's -James was fond of meditations on felect portions hiftory of of fcripture. After the deftruction of the Spanish ar- tranflations the English mado in 1588, he wrote a "meditation upon the 25, of the bible, “26, 27, 28 and 29th verses of the xvth chapter of the P. 296. "first book of Chronicles of the kings:" in which he compares the proteftants to the "Ifraelites, and the "catholicks to the Philistines, adorers of legions of "gods, and ruled by the foolish traditions of men." (ƒ) (ƒ) James's And long afterwards [1619] he wrote a "meditation works, P. "on the Lord's Prayer, of which I fhall fpeak more "hereafter; and a meditation upon the 27, 28, 29th "verses of the xxviith chapter of St. Matthew, or a "pattern for a king's inauguration." This was dedicated to prince Charles. Among feveral other things we have the following paffage, telling Buckingham "my intention, [of writing this meditation] and that "I thought you the fittest person to whom I could de"dicate it, for divers reafons following, he humbly "and earnestly defired me, that he might have the ho"nour to be my amanuenfis in this work. First, be"cause it would free me from the pain of writing, by fparing the labour both of mine eyes and hands; and "next, that he might do you some piece of service thereby; protesting that his natural obligation to you "(next me) is redoubled by the many favours that you daily heap upon him. And indeed I muft ingenuoufly confefs to my comfort, that in making your "affections to follow and fecond thus your fathers, you "fhew what reverent love you carry towards me in, "your heart. And indeed my granting this request to 66 Buckingham hath much eafed my labour, confidering "the flowness, illness, and uncorrectnefs of my hand." (g) Many of my readers, I doubt not, will be pleafed (g) Id. p. with fuch like paffages as this; for they fhew the man more than any thing befides. However, I must ask pardon for running away from the Revelations, of which D 3 James C2. |