Page images
PDF
EPUB

on the Crown side, in the county where the case is supposed to have arisen, though the minutes, from 1708 to 1722, have been carefully searched. For these reasons, and what is suggested in the marginal note, I conclude that no such case ever existed. Lord Chief Justice Hale is very full and express on the other side of the question: that a person who is guilty of petit treason may be indicted of murder, for it is a species of murder; and a pardon of murder pardoneth petit treason."

I quote this passage for the purpose of shewing, that the learned Judge's only difficulty was, that petit treason was a species of murder; but he never questioned that, generally speaking, any minor offence should merge in the greater one of treason.

Then he goes on to say, "But though I am satisfied, that the law considereth petit treason and murder as one offence, differing only in circumstance and degree; yet, whether it may be advisable to proceed, upon an indictment for murder, against a person plainly appear ing to be guilty of petit treason, is a matter that deserveth great consideration, and probably determined the attorney-general to prefer a fresh bill for petit treason in Swan's case; for, though the offences are, to most purposes, considered as substantially the same, yet, as there is some difference between them with regard to the judgment that is to be pronounced upon a conviction, and a very material one with regard to the trial, a person indicted for petit treason being entitled to a peremptory challenge of 35, I think, if the prosecutor be apprised of the true state of the case, as he may be if he useth due diligence, he ought to adapt the indictment to the truth of the fact.

proved, I have no sort of doubt that, on such an indictment, the defendant may be found guilty of murder, and acquitted of the treason, for murder is included in every charge of petit treason, felonicè proditorie et ex malitiá pracogitata MURDRAVIT."

Upon this it may be observed, First, that although Judge Foster considers murder and petit treason offences of the same nature, so much so, that on an indictment for petit treason, a verdict may be found for murder, yet the greater advantages afforded by law to the prisoner on the trial-the peremptory challenge of 35 of the jury—the requiring two witnesses-and other circumstances-entitle a prisoner to be indicted for petit treason, if his offence actually amount to that description; and if it do amount to that description, and so comes out in evidence, but through mistake, or ignorance, or inattention of the prosecutor, the indictment is preferred as for murder, the prisoner is entitled to have that indictment dismissed. Secondly, If petit treason were to be considered as a distinct and higher species of offence, it is clear, in Judge Foster's opinion, there would be no doubt whatever but the prisoner, under such circumstances, must be acquitted.

But there are abundant authorities to shew that this has ever been the doctrine of the law of England. Thus, in the Year-Book, 3. Henry 7th 10. where there was a question about an accessary in the harbouring one guilty of treason (your lordships know, that in felony there may be accessaries by the law of England, but in treason they are all principals), Chief Justice Hussey says, "There can be no accessary in treason; the receiving a traitor cannot be only a felony, but is treason et in casu ibidem."

Thus, Saccombe's case, 33. Henry 8th is thus reported by Lord Chief Justice Dyer.* A woman had poisoned her husband, which offence is made treason about the 31st Henry 8th (22d Henry 8th.); and by the general pardon granted by parliament in 32nd Henry 8th this offence was pardoned. Now the son had brought an appeal against the wife; the question was, whether this appeal lies, and some thought that because the offence is made treason, it mergeth each lesser crime as the crime of murder, which was before at common law, and so the offence is not punishable as murder, but as treason, and so no appeal lies. But some were of a contrary opinion, &c. But the opinion of the judges was, that the appeal was not maintainable." And the reporter refers to the case 3 H. 7. above stated..

"But if, through a mistake on the part of the prosecutor, or through the ignorance or inattention of the officer, a bill be preferred as for murder, and it shall come out in evidence" that the prisoner stood in that sort of relation to the deceased which rendereth the offence petit treason, I do not think it by any means advisable, to direct the jury to give a verdict of acquittal; for a person charged with a crime of so heinous a nature ought not to have the chance given him, by the Court, of availing himself of a plea of auterfoits acquit. In such a case, I should make no sort of difficulty of discharging the jury of that indictment and ordering a fresh indictment for petit treason. In this method the prisoner will have advantage of his peremptory challenges, and the public justice will not suffer. And, on the other hand, in case of an indictment for petit treason, if it be proved that the defendant killed the deceased with such circumstances of malice as amount to murder, but the relation of servant, &c. is not

18 How. St. Tr. 1193.

+ See the case of Penelope Edwards, coràm Lawrence, J. 5 Chetw. Burn, 487, ed. of 1820; 1 Russ. 695..

And in Coke's report in the cases of pardons, 29th Elizabeth † it is laid down, "If murder or petit treason be made high treason, thereby the murder or petit treason is extinct, for high treason doth drown every less offence."

* Dy. 50, a. +6 Rep. 13, b.

And Judge Foster, whose opinion that murder is not merged in petit treason I have already noticed, referring to Saccombe's case, which I have just read to your lordships from the report of my Lord Chief Justice Dyer, and denying its authority to prove that murder is merged in petit treason, expressly founds on it as an authority to shew that all inferior felonies are merged and extinguished in the offence of high treason; and that when an offence amounts to high treason, a trial for felony is barred.

I read from the same dissertation I have already quoted.

"There is a case in Dyer," says the learned judge," which has been thought to favour the opinion, that the crime of murder is merged in petit treason; and that a pardon of treason discharged it, notwithstanding the exception of murder; but that case proveth nothing like it. A wife, about the 31st Henry 8th poisoned her husband. Then came a general pardon, by which treason was pardoned, but with an exception of wilful murder. The heir brought an appeal of murder against the wife, and it was adjudged that the appeal did not lie. This case doth not prove that murder is merged in petit treason, but that both murder and petit treason were merged and extinguished in the offence of high treason; for at that time, by virtue of the 22nd Henry 8th, all wilful poisoning was high treason, and being so, the appeal, not being saved by the act, was barred whether the treason had been pardoned or not."

I mention these cases to shew, that the doctrine of the law of England is, that the minor offence merges in the higher offence. I need not trouble your lordships with further authorities upon this subject. I think what I have stated is sufficient to prove the general proposition, that, by the common law of Engfand, all felonies merge in the offence of high treason; and that an act, amounting in its circumstances to high treason, cannot, by the law of England, be tried as a felony.

But I would now beg to call your attention to this, which I think very material in the present case; that the argument is stronger in Scotland, under the act of queen Anne, than in England under the common law. You know, that by the act of queen Anne † which was passed after the Union, and under powers reserved in the act of Union, the whole law of England, upon the subject of treason, has been imported into Scotland. The mode of trial has been imported-and on this subject there are two clauses to be adverted to. One is permissive to the queen, and her heirs, who may direct a commission of oyer and terminer, to try treason in Scotland. The other is imperative, and requires your lordships in this Court to inquire of all treasons in the same manner as the Court of King's-bench. The

Fost. Cr. Law 325. † 7 Anne, c. 21.

third section enacts, That the "Justice Court of Scotland shall have full power and authority: and are hereby required to inquire by the oaths of twelve good and lawful men of the county, shire, or stewartry, where the respective courts shall sit, of all high treasons and misprisions of high treason committed within the said county, &c.; and thereupon to proceed, hear, and determine" (that is, they are required to proceed, hear, and determine) "the said offences whereof any person shall be indicted before them, in such manner as the Court of Queen'sbench, or the justices of oyer and terminer in England, may do by the laws of England."

So that here is a positive statute requiring this Court to proceed, and determine, according to the forms of the King's-bench in England. And, it will be conceded, that unless there are words in this act of the 52nd of the king, sufficient to repeal the former enactment, it is not competent to this Court to inquire into cases of treason, in any other way than the courts of England would inquire. The, words are imperative. The first clause might be interpreted, as if a trial might take place according to the ancient forms; but as to the second clause, there can be no doubt that it demands a contrary interpretation.

It were a waste of time to say a word further upon the subject, to prove to your lordships that the rule of the common law of England as to trials for treason, and the regulations of the statute as to such trials in Scotland, are as I have stated. And it would be a still greater waste of time to attempt to show, after this statute of queen Anne, that if any treason appear upon the evidence, you cannot proceed otherwise than according to the forms of the law of England, in cases of treason.

We come, therefore, to this simple question. Does this act of the 52nd of his majesty, on which the indictment is laid, amount to an abrogation of that rule of the common law of which I have spoken, or to a repeal of this act of queen Anne? But, it is a rule that acts of par liament shall be interpreted according to the rules of the common law; and my lord Coke says, that, in particular cases, the words of an act shall be restricted in order to bring them within the rule of the common law. There is no necessity for that here, where there are two acts of parliament, and no words in the second repealing the first. If the words of the second can admit a construction leaving the former free to operate, it is necessary so to construe it. It is necessary for the Crown counsel to show, either that there are words in the 52nd of the king, that repeal the act of queen Anne, or that that act of the 52nd of the king cannot receive effect without such virtual repeal-that the evil which the act was made to control and remedy, could not be controlled and remedied, unless you were to interpret the act as repealing so much of the act of queen Anne.

If I can show, there is nothing in this act of the 52nd of the king, in its fullest and most

ample interpretation-in the purposes it embraces, or in contemplation could embrace nothing that in the least interferes with the act of queen Anne, or the regular mode of your inquiry in any case of treason-then you are bound to give to this act of the 52nd of his majesty, no other interpretation than is consistent with the act of queen Anne, a statute which is fundamentally connected with the constitution of this country. No act, that is introduced for the benefit of the subject, is to be held repealed, but by the express words of some subsequent act-still less is an act to be so repealed, which is a fundamental law of the country. The law of queen Anne is as much a part of the act of Union, as if it had been inserted in it. It was passed in consequence of a power reserved by the act of Union. It is an act upon which the liberty and the safety of the subjects of this country depend, in cases in which the Crown may bring them to trial for the highest state offence. It is, therefore, a fundamental part of the law of the country.

For a particular purpose, that of putting down local disturbances in England, this act, the 52nd of the king was passed; and you are called upon by the Crown counsel, to give this act, intended for this purpose, containing no words of repeal of the act of Anne, nor inconsistent with its provisions, an interpretation which is to subvert the form of trial for treason in this country. You cannot listen to the proposition for a moment.

|

former act. Reference is expressly made in the preamble to that former act, and it is added, "Whereas it is expedient, that more effectual provisions should be made as to certain oaths."

So that both acts proceed upon a view of the legislature, to repress the attempts of persons setting about to excite others to mutiny and sedition; and the penalty for both administering and taking, by the first act, is the same; viz. transportation. In the second act, the administering is death, without benefit of clergy. That is the difference between the two acts. The 52nd of the king, leaves the persons taking the oath to the punishment of the 37th of the king; but extends the punishment of administering to death. And, as to the 37th of the king, are you to hold, it was the intention of the legislature to enable the courts to try those guilty of a treasonable conspiracy, as guilty of a felony, punishable with transportation? I ask, if it is possible to conceive that it was the intention of the legislature to abrogate the law of queen Anne in this instance? We are to gather the intentions of the legislature from the preambles of the acts, and we may throw light on them by the history of them when passed. We see the preambles-we know the circumstances in which they were passed - we know the object and intention of the legislature in framing them. And, from these considerations, and transportation being the penalty enacted, I ask, are you to be told it was the intention of the legislature to repeal the material clause of the act of queen Anne, as to trials for high treason? I say, that cannot be maintained for a moment by any lawyer desiring to have the reputation of common sense. It cannot be maintained, that either of the acts (that of the 37th, or of the 52nd) was intended" to have any such effect. According to the prosecutor's interpretation of the acts, taking The intention of the act is the same with an oath to murder the king, might be tried as that of the 37th of the king, and it only ex- a common felony,-as a felony to be punished tends its provisions further. If you refer to by transportation only. And can an oath to the 37th of the king, chapter 123, you will see commit the highest species of treason that what is the preamble of that act-you will would have the effect of overturning the whole there see the foundation of both: "Whereas government-an oath to commit the most atrodivers wicked and evil-disposed persons have cious of all crimes—was it the intention of the of late attempted to seduce persons serving in legislature to repeal the act which considers his majesty's forces, by sea and land, and these deeds as the highest species of treasonothers of his majesty's subjects, from their to repeal that act, and to make the taking duty and allegiance to his majesty, and to in- of such oaths-and to make such conspiracite them to acts of mutiny and sedition; and cies, a transportable felony? It cannot be have endeavoured to give effect to their wicked maintained for a moment. Then what are the and traitorous proceedings, by imposing upon words of this act, that the prosecutor makes the persons whom they have attempted to se- such a construction of it, as to the intention of duce the pretended obligation of oaths unlaw- the legislature, and that without express words fully administered; be it enacted," &c. Both of repeal? I state confidently, that the statute acts have the same object, and arise out of the founded on in the indictment, cannot be held sanie mischief. In the 37th of the king, this to have repealed the statute as to trials of is declared to be the attempts of evil-disposed treason: and there is an end of the whole persons, to seduce persons serving in the foundation of the argument, that we can inforces, and others, to mutiny and sedition. Investigate this trial in the shape and form, in the 52nd of the king, the object and the mis- which it is prosecuted. chief are declared to be the same as in the

Let us see what the 52nd of the king goes to. Its preamble is: "Whereas an act passed in the 37th year of the reign of his present majesty, intituled, An act for more effectually preventing the administering or taking of unlawful oaths: And whereas, it is expedient that more effectual provisions should be made as to certain oaths; be it therefore enacted," &c.

I apprehend, that, in interpreting this act,

the reason of the common law giveth great light; and the judges, as much as may be, follow the rule thereof."

I would desire of your lordships to apply to the 52nd of the king this rule, and to interpret it, as far as may be, agreeably to the rule of the common law, on the one side; and to the statute of Anne, on the other side: and see if they may subsist together."

It so happens, that this is not the first occasion (there having been many instances) in which acts have been passed, enacting into felonies, circumstances that appear very much like overt acts of treason; and lord Coke, in his exposition of the law of treason, has these words referred to by Hale: "that the passing an act, making an offence felony, is held to be a judgment of parliament that it was not treason."

so far as it relates to the question, whether high treason falls within it, we must again have recourse to the law of England; because along with the introduction of the general law of treason into Scotland, we must hold, that the legislature introduced the whole law of England, as applicable where treason is in question. The question, therefore, Whether, in sound construction, this act applies to a case of treason? is a question of interpretation not merely by the law of Scotland, but by the law of England; and you will see at once, that, if there were a difference in the mode of interpretation by the laws of the two countries, the rules of interpretation in the English law, and not those in the law of Scotland, must be followed. There is no difference in the mode of interpretation by the two laws. But, I know that, in the law of England, it is most distinctly laid down, that subsequent acts of parliament are to be so expounded, that they may not contradict former acts, which they do not contain express words to repeal. Thus, in Roll's Reports, an old book in Norman French, the phraseology of which is abundantly quaint, it is laid down as a general rule, "Leges posteriores priores contrarias abrogant." But, it is said, "This cannot be by ambiguous, and general words." And, it is added, "When two general statutes are made, and one contradicts the other," (it is meant to say, apparently contradicts), "both, if they can be, shall be so expounded that the one may not contradict the other. And a subsequent act, which can be reconciled with the former, shall not be a repeal of it." And in Comyns's Digest, under the word parliament, R. 9. the learned author, treating of what shall be a repeal of a statute, says, "A subsequent act which may be reconciled with a former shall not be a repeal of it." And he refers to a passage in lord Coke's Reports, which I shall presently read. And he says, "Every statute ought to be expounded, not according to the letter, but according to the intent," referring to Roll and Plowden. And below, "The preamble is a good means for collecting the intent." "So the ground and cause of the making of a statute explains the intent." And, "So a statute ought to be construed according to the reason and rule of the common law," referring again to Plowden. And, "So a case, out of the mischief intended to be remedied by a statute, shall be construed to be out of the purview, though it be within the words of the statute," and he quotes lord Coke's 2nd Instit. p. 386. And lord Coke, 2nd Instit. p. 301, speaking of the statute of Gloster, by which an action of waste is given "against him that holdeth by law of England,” (by courtesy) "or otherwise for term of life." says, "Albeit, the assignee of the tenant by the courtesy is within the letter of this law, yet no action of waste shall be brought against the assignee, for in construction of statutes,

Vol. 2, p. 410. ↑ Vol. 5, 318, ed. of 1822. VOL. XXXIII.

I would call your lordships' attention to an act of parliament, which so far as I know, has never been repealed, 3 Hen. 7th. ch. 14, which recites, "Forasmuch as by quarrels made to such as have been in great authority, office, and of council with kings of this realm, hath ensued the destruction of the kings and the undoing of this realm; so as it hath appeared evidently, when compassing of the death of such as were of the king's true subjects was had, the destruction of the prince was imagined thereby; and for the most part, it hath grown, and been occasioned by envy and malice of the king's own household servants, as now, of late, such a thing was likely to have ensued; and, forasmuch as, by the law of this land, if actual deeds be not had, there is no remedy for such false compassings, imaginations, and confederacies, had against any lord, or any of the king's council, or any of the king's great officers in his household, as steward, treasurer, and comptroller, and so great inconveniences might ensue, if such ungodly demeaning should not be straitly punished before that actual deed were done." Then it enacts, "That if any servant, admitted to be the king's servant, sworn, and his name put into the chequer-roll of his household, &c. make any confederacies, compassings, conspiracies, or imaginations with any person or persons, to destroy or murder the king, or any lord of this realm, or other person sworn to the king's council, &c. that the said offence be judged felony; and the misdoers to have judgment and execution, as felons attainted ought to have by the common law." Any servant of the king, entering into a conspiracy to destroy or murder the king, or any lord of this realm, shall be judged guilty of felony, and the benefit of clergy even is not excluded.

So here is an act of parliament, declaring, that any of the king's household, who shall conspire to murder him, may be punished with transportation. What is the observation of my lord Coke upon this statute? He says, "to destroy or murder the king. By this act, it expressly appeareth, by the judgment of the whole parliament, that besides the confederacy, Y

323] 57 GEORGE III.

Trial of Andrew McKinley

[324

that it can have reference to those instances treason. The administering of an oath not only which are short of overt acts of high may be a felony within this act, but not otheramounting to an overt act of high treason, wise, because parliament cannot be presumed to have intended to make that felony which was treason; and no overt act of high treason can come within the act as a felony. It cannot be at once a treason and a felony.

conspiracy, or imagination, there must be some other overt act, or deed tending thereunto, to make it treason within the statute of 25th Edw. 3rd. And therefore the bare confederacy, compassing, conspiracy, or imagination, by words only, is made felony by this act. But, if the conspirators do provide any weapon, or other thing, to accomplish their devilish intent, this, and the like, is an overt act to make it treason." So that, though the words are so general, that, under the act of Hen. 7, a person might be indicted of felony for conspiring the My lord Hale, in treating of the question, death of the king, it had never entered into interpreting the statute of Edward 3rd, and exhow far subsequent statutes are to be taken as the head of lord Coke, that, if this were mani-plaining, by the judgments of the legislature, fested by an overt act, felony, and not treason, could be the relevant charge. On the contrary, he expressly says, that, in order that a prosecution may take place upon that statute, it is necessary that the act charged be not

treason.

Now, an oath administered to 500 persons, binding them to levy war against the king, to control him, and oblige him to change his measures, or to control parliament, is an overt act of a treason created by the 36th of the king. In this respect, I cannot distinguish the case of the statute of Henry 7th from the present; and if, under the law of Henry 7th a man who had entered into a conspiracy to murder the king, could not be tried for a transportable felony, neither could he under the present statute be so tried, having administered such an oath.

Lord Hale says, "Regularly, words, unless committed to writing, are not an overt act within the statute of Edward 3rd, and the reason given is, because they are easily subject to be mistaken or misapplied, or misrepeated or misunderstood by the hearers. And this appears, by those several acts of parliament, which were temporary only, or made some words of a high nature to be but felony. The statute of 3 Hen. 7th cap 14, makes conspiring the king's death to be felony; which it would not have done, if the bare conspiring, without an overt act, had been treason.'

In like manner, this act of the 52nd of the king, makes the administering of an oath binding to commit any treason or murder, or any felony punishable by law with death, a felony; which it would not have done, if the administering of that oath had been an overt act of high treason.

And that proposition includes this other, that if there be circumstances attending the administering which constitute high treason, then it would not be a felony within this act. If my learned friends will help me out of this dilemma I shall be obliged to them. It is an implied judgment of parliament, that the act, which it makes a felony, is not an overt act of treason; and, if an act of parliament is produced, which makes that a felony, which would otherwise be an overt act of treason, the inference is, that these words of the act are to receive a limited interpretation. I apply this to the act of the 52nd of the king, and say,

66

statute, has this passage: "The statutes 1st what facts are, or are not, overt acts under that and 2nd Philip and Mary c. 3., 1st Ed. 6. c. 12., 23rd Eliz. c. 2, making several offences felony, have this wary clause, 'The same not being treason by statute 25th Ed. 3rd,'" and he says, Enacting an offence to be a felony, is a great evidence that it was not treason before, and a judgment of parliament in point; for it cannot be thought, that it would make that less 3rd." Where lord Coke wishes to shew, that a than treason, which was treason by 25th Ed. particular act cannot be an overt act of treason, he thinks it sufficient to shew, that the legislature has treated it as a felony.

lordships' attention. I fear I have trespassed too long on your stated to the present case, and I need not take would apply what I have up much more of your time. I would apply hand; and I maintain, that there are but these this reasoning to the act of parliament in two modes of construction here-Either the act was meant to apply only to those oaths binding persons to commit treason, the administering or taking of which oaths does not constitute an overt act of treason,-I say, either this necessary restriction of the words else, there is one other alternative, and it must is to be adopted in their construction-or king repealed the acts of Edward 3rd and queen be held, that the statute of the 52nd of the the act of parliament, and it would be an Anne. There is no third way of interpreting insult to the understanding of the Court, to argue which you should adopt—whether you should take that construction, which makes the act provide for the emergency for which it was passed, and leaves untouched the statute of the subject-whether you shall adopt that Anne, which was introduced for the safety of construction which unites, with the remedy for the grievance in the view of the legislature in passing the act, the leaving the valuable provisions of former statutes untouched-or whewhich would repeal the whole of these laws, ther you shall take the opposite construction, and would introduce into the law regarding treason, a rule which would be oppressive to reducing to a transportable felony an overt the subject, and unsafe to the sovereign, by act of treason.

There is a clause in the acts of parliament, of the 37th and 52nd of the king,-the last

« PreviousContinue »