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of the grand problems to be solved at the contemplated congress. If we consider how many wars the slave trade has occasioned in Africa, and how many wars the colonial system has caused in Europe and America, we must acknowledge that the abolition of that trade would be the prevention of much devastation and bloodshed. It is probable, also, that at this congress, the projected invasion of Cuba and Portorico, and much consequent carnage and desolation will be prevented, not only on those islands, but in other parts; for it is probable, that in case of invasion, Spain, seeing her inability to defend these colonies, will cede them to some other continental power, and thus, unless the age should be uncommonly pacific, a war might again be lighted up in America, which would extend to Europe.

Another grand object which will probably be at least in part obtained, is an extension of religious liberty. This will have a decided tendency to the preservation of peace. Mankind cannot be made warlike, unless they are grossly ignorant, not only of the great principles of the christian religion, but

also of their own interests.

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The spread of

the gospel and the consequent prevalence of knowledge, must, therefore, give the deathblow to a warlike spirit :-for the time is come, when mankind begin to read the scriptures for themselves and to think for themselves, and to perceive that every man has rights of his own, distinct from, and often at variance with the assumed rights of his rulers.

In fine, I heartily agree with the President, that "the design is great, is benevolent, is humane. It looks to the amelioration of the condition of man ;" and I believe is the prelude to a grand congress of all the nations of Christendom, where all points of international law shall be settled by statute, and no longer depend on the conflicting opinions of civilians, and where there may be a power competent to try and determine all cases of disagreement among nations. And I believe that PUBLIC OPINION, aided by commercial restrictions and international regulations, will be sufficient to give to such a tribunal a power sufficient to enforce its judg ments and preserve permanent and universal

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peace among the members of such a confed

eration, and enforce it on others.

But as I must leave the further consideration of this subject to a future number, I will not here enlarge, but will only cal! the reader's attention to some of the particular features of the Congress of Panama, which are auspicious to the cause of peace.

In the first place, privateering may be abolished throughout this hemisphere; and the example, set on this side of the Atlantic, may be followed on the other; and thus, while one of the evils of war will be mitigated, one of its causes will be removed.

Secondly, the great and pacific principle, that free ships make free goods, and that a neutral flag shall cover all that is carried under it, except contraband of war, may be established;- -a principle, which was acknowledged in our first treaty with France, and which will add much to the permanence of peace, by lessening the hope of plunder in war and the vexation of neutrals.

But this principle will be attempted to be carried much farther, and may be made to extend to all merchant vessels, of every flag,

engaged in lawful commerce; and the innocent merchant and his private property, be as much respected on the ocean, as on the land. A love of plunder and rapine is a great cause of war; and our privateersmen, and others of like rapacious habits, will always endeavor to bring on a war, that they may riot on the spoils of honest industry; and when they can no longer carry on their trade of plunder, they may turn their attention to honest trade to which peace is so necessary.

The contemplated Congress may also remove another cause of war, by settling, distinctly, what shall, and what shall not, be eonsidered as contraband of war. The uncertainty on this subject embroiled England with the Northern Powers, and has always been a bone of contention. When once settled, it can be no longer so, at least with the parties agreeing; and the enumeration of contraband articles may be so reduced, that hemp, iron, naval stores, &c. which are so necessary to all mankind, may be allowed to be mutually interchanged in time of war.

The only article I shall add, is a defini

tion of the right of blockade, and its establishment on such principles, as shall be acknowledged by all the American nations.The want of established principles on this subject, the reader will recollect, was the principal cause of our last war with Great Britain, which was left at the peace in the "statu quo ante bellum," as is generally the case when principles are attempted to be settled by force, and not by reason.

It has been for want of a due definition

and agreement on some of the above mentioned subjects, that it has frequently happened, that, when two maritime nations have engaged in war, the war has been generally throughout Christendom. The settlement of these points will not only lessen the calamities of war, and remove the cause of war which is peculiar to each, but it will have a general effect of taking away the hope of plunder, which so many have hidden under the cloak of patriotism.

As many of the abovementioned points as shall be gained at the Congress of the isthmus, so many heads of the hydra of war, will be crushed; and we hope, that public opin

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