of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, in diamonds, while on the same night more than three hundred and fifty thousand of her country women went to bed without even a supper of potatoes. The Hon. Mrs. Hope far exceeded the abovementioned Marchioness of Londonderry. Her dress cost more than three millions of dollars. Her husband, the famous banker, had amassed all this money by dealing in war debts and helping the present age to riot on the labor, deprivation and misery of future generations.

Another thing, which keeps up the war spirit, is the course of education pursued in colleges and academies, both in Europe and America. The heathen poets, and also the best modern poets, who, unfortunately, have taken them for a model, incite in the minds of youth false notions of glory. I have said so much on this subject, in my first series, that I do not think it necessary to enlarge in this place, but will only add, that since I wrote those numbers, conversing with a clerical gentleman of high standing, he inform ed me that his own experience had confirmed the truth of my remarks,—that before he

I am,

felt the power of religion, he was reading the Greek Testament and the Iliad, at the same time, and that he could not take up the Testament without disgust at the meanness of the character of Christ & his apostles, when compared with the heroes of Homer; and at the doctrines of Christ, when compared with the heroic sentiments and glowing language of the heathen poet. All this is very natural. however, happy to see that the useful sciences are taking the place of the dead languages-that in the course of education, which is getting more and more popular, the useful is preferred to the agreeable, and that the infallibility of our old modes of education begins to be suspected. For one I should not be sorry to see the heathen poems put on the same shelf with heathen logic, and the works of Homer and the Stagyrite left to moulder together.

The manner in which history is generally written, tends much to keep up a spirit of war. Neither nations, nor individuals, like to be told disagreeable truths.-An historian, to be popular, must always represent his own nation as faultless-always in the right and

always successful, and that what is lost in commerce or territory is made up in glory. On the contrary, the nation against which we wage war, must always be painted in the blackest colours imaginable, and all the enmity of the human heart must be stirred up against it. The gallant Nelson always ended his charge to young midshipmen, after having pointed out to them their duty, in these words, and you must always hate a Frenchman worse than the d-l." nations are taught to hate and dispise each other, and men who profess to believe on him who taught us "whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them," "love your enemies," &c. violate that charity which is the brightest of the christian graces.

Thus

War manifestos are calculated for the express purpose of exciting national hatred and rancor, and are generally penned with so shameful a disregard for truth that without slander, they may be said to "lie like a bulletin." Even our own boasted declaration of independence will hardly bear the test of strict scrutiny. It was calculated ex

pressly to fan the dormant embers and to excite animosity against both the government and people of Great Britain, and it had the effect. But the end having been answered, I do not see the use of annually repeating all our complaints, which, if they did exist, have now ceased for half a century, unless it be useful to make a country a slave to prejudice for "the nation," says Washington, "that indulges toward another nation an habitual hatred, is, in some degree, a slave."

The erection of monuments, to perpetuate the memory of the bloody battles in which we have been engaged, is an obstacle to the great scheme. I have no doubt that many, who have assisted in such things, have done it from patriotis, motives—but it was a mistaken patriotism. If an American would know how such a sight would af fect him, let him look at the American flags in St. Paul's church in London. Will he love England the better for the sight? Besides this there seems to be the same absurdity in a nation's erecting monuments of its own victories, as in an individual's erecting a

statue of himself. To me such a monument appears like the grave stone of departed philanthrophy. Should a monument be erected on every field of battle, in some parts of Europe, the whole country would look like a grave yard. I do not refuse honor to the brave, but, if we must have a monument on Bunker Hill, let it be a tomb, in which shall be interred the bones of the combatants on both sides, for both were of the same nation, faith, and language, and both thought they were fighting for their country.

Another thing which keeps up a love of military glory, and thus opposes an obstacle to the cause of permanent and universal peace, is the militia system. If we must have a militia, can we not have it without all its gorgeous trappings and " pomp and circumstance?" Why cannot our citizens train in a citizen's dress; or is it indeed true, as Dr. Rush has said, that " were there

no uniforms there would be no armies? If there were no armies there would be no need of them."

The military academies, which we support, are an obstacle to the cause of peace. I de