at all. The other is, that if the principal nations of christendom joined the league, there would be none to contend with, not even the Turks, for they do not seem at all disposed for offensive war on the christian nations, and probably will have enough to do at home, and if they have not, they would fear to attack all christendom, when they well know, that there are three or four powers in christendom, that, single handed, would drive them out of Europe. But when christians shall cease to make war on each other, the infidels will be converted and join the peaceful league. There perished, in the wars which followed the French Revolution, five millions and sixty thousand men. Had christians used as much energy in converting the heathen, as they have in cutting each other's throats, -had the expenses of the late wars been employed in sending five millions of missionaries to the heathen, after having set them the example of peace at home, the world would soon be converted to the peaceful religion of Christ.

There never was a time, since the creation of the world, so favorable for putting the

great scheme in operation, as the present. The Congress of Panama leads the way, and has actually made a beginning. North America has already fallen into the scheme, and it is highly probable, that Great Britain will join. This of itself, if it goes no farther, will greatly promote the cause of peace. When I first began to write these essays, I formed such a scheme in my own mind. It appeared to me, then, as a vision like Daniel's, "for many days"—a dream of things far distant in the vista of time. What then were my sensations, when the Congress of Panama burst upon my view! It seemed as though, to use a vulgar phrase, "my dream had come to pass." Indeed, the moral world now revolves, with a velocity unexampled and inconceivable. As we revolve with it, we do not perceive its motion, any more than we do that of the material world, or than we do when in a ship, in a current far from land. The progress is perceived only by those, who mark the times and seasons, and take observations of the heavenly bodies and distant objects.

The Hanseatie league, as I observed in

Now,

my last, began with two cities only. supposing that only the republics of North and South America commence the great scheme, Great Britain will probably join. If Great Britain joins, then Denmark, Sweden, the three remaining Hansetowns, Holland, and Portugal will join. Brazil will find it for its safety and interest to join. These of themselves, being the chief maritime states, would be sufficient to establish a code of international law, to which France, Spain, and the other continental powers must submit. But these powers would drop in, one after another, and if they did not, a great point would be gained, and the peace of christendom in a great measure secured.

But it may be asked, what would enforce the decrees of such a tribunal as I have imagined? I ask in return, what enforces the decrees of our masonic fraternities, churches and societies?-the right of expulsion, and this would operate in one case, as well as the other. The Phoceans were expelled from the council of the Amphyctyons, and were not restored until 68 years after. What enforces the decrees of our own supreme judi

cial court and the laws of Congress ?-public opinion. We have never found physical force necessary. A proclamation was sufficient to overthrow Aaron Burr's forces,-the whiskey insurrection, if it had been let alone, would have gone out, for want of fuel, and Daniel Shayes would have been deserted by his followers, if no force had been sent against him. These however were individuals, and did not act in a corporate capacity, as members of the confederation, and if physical force may be safely used to execute the laws of the Union, then it could be safely used to execute the laws of the great confederation of nations, to suppress piracy and the slave trade. But it is objected that Georgia, a member of our confederation, has risen in open rebellion. Let Georgia alone, and she will come to her senses, notwithstanding her land lottery. We have reason to be thankful, that we have not a military President and a standing army. But at last, if a deficiency of moral force would weigh any thing against a confederation of nations, it would be equally valid against the union of these states. How far it would be advisable to enforce the

decrees of the confederacy by commercial regulations, might be left to the wisdom of those who composed the first convention, subject to a negative by the separate powers.

But it is asked, why do you lay this subject before the public? Why do you not send a memorial to the courts of Europe, and the executives of the American Republics? It is because, as I have already observed, spontaneous opinion must precede statutes, conventions and laws, which are but the expressions of spontaneous opinion. Had Henry undertaken his scheme, he would have failed because the world was not then sufficiently enlightened, and because the military power attached to it. Governments cannot carry this scheme into effect without the will of the people, and when the people are determined on it, governments cannot prevent it. But in this country, at least, the people govern, and the public voice must and will be heard. There has been some opposition to our sending envoys to the Congress of Panama, but perhaps the objectors would have equally opposed any thing done by the present administration, perhaps not. But it is well for