culation of four to the thousand would fall, I think, within bounds. Now, who, that inhabits a village, or country town of a thousand inhabitants, would pay his war taxes and his equal proportion of the loss, to buy a ticket in a lottery, in which he would run the risk of four in a thousand of being shot, drowned, or taken off by the camp fever or dysentery, on the one hand, and on the other, the chance to gain all his share of the glory and advantages of the war? What wife would risk the loss of her husband, what sister of a brother, what father of a son? In fine, where is the statesman who would offer to barter the lives of forty thousand of his fellow citizens, for all that we gained over what we lost; to say nothing of the deterioration of morals and the inroads made on the constitution and the liberties of the peo ple. I doubt, if such a statesman can be found, if his own risk also were to go into the wheel. And if such a statesman should be found, his chance of a re-election would be small indeed. No, the makers of war calculate on its profits, its glory, its influence, power; but never on its losses. These aré

its

for the poor and the ignorant, so far as they relate to life; and for the industrious and enterprising, so far as they relate to property. So far from giving the lives of forty thousand of my fellow citizens for all we gained by the war, not reckoning the losses, I would not give the lives of four thousand, and no man who would not give so much as that, including his own chance in the number, can conscientiously approve of the war, or be glad that it has occurred, and yet it was as just, and as necessary, as most of wars.

But I am giving my own sentiments, instead of Gen. Wilkinson's. I must confess when I saw the brave general land at Charleston S. C. with his gold laced boots, and feather half a yard high, and half the city, black and white, at his heels, and all the town like a bee-hive before swarming, and the horse races stopped to wait his presence-when I saw all this, I little expected, ever to see such reflections from his pen. But defeat is a severe teacher of truth-a stone mill is a stubborn obstacle in the path of glory, and disappointed ambition is a great moralizer. "Vain pomp and glory of the world, I hate

ye," said the proud cardinal, after his fall.

"Let those parents who are now training their children for the military profession, let those misguided patriots, who are inculcating principles of education subversive of the foundations of the republic, look at this picture of distress, taken from the life of a youth in a strange land, far removed from friends and relations, co-mingled with the dying and the dead, himself wounded, helpless, and expiring with agony, and then should political considerations fail of effect, I hope the feelings of affection, and the obligations of humanity, may induce them to discountenance the pursuits of war, and save their offspring from the seductions of the plume and the sword, for the more solid and useful avocations of civil life; by which alone peace and virtue, and the republic, can be preserved and perpetuated. A dupe during my whole life, to the prejudices I now reprobate; I spcak from experience, and discharge a conscientious duty, when I warn my country against military enthusiasm, and the pride of arms; and against the arts and intrigues by which the yeomanry, the palladium of the

republic, are depreciated, and standing armies and navies are encouraged. For what would it avail the citizens of the United States, if in a political frenzy, they should barter their rights and liberties for national renown? And who would exchange the blessings of freedom, for the repute of having eclipsed the whole human race in feats of valor and deeds of arms? This is a serious question! It affects the vital interests of every freeman; and the course of the government makes it proper and necessary, that these states should pause and reflect, before it be too late. We have escaped from one war with a crippled constitution; the next will probably destroy it; therefore let the motto of the state be PEACE."

NO. 31.

THE OPINION OF A GREAT MAN IN FAVOR OF

WAR.

Having given the testimony of christian fathers and philanthropists, philosophers and

statesmen, and even of warriors themselves, against the custom of war, I now give my readers the opinion of one of the greatest generals of his age, perhaps of the world, in its favor, and this must serve as a sample of the whole class of those men, who love war for its own sake.

Prince Eugene, a soldier of fortune, was born in Paris, in 1663, and was destined for the church. But he took another course, and left the French court in disgust, because he was refused the command of a troop of horse; with a full determination, to make the country that gave him birth feel his vengeance. Had he been made a Captain, he might have had the "glory" of fighting for his country, but, as is the case with most warriors by trade, glory was his object,-country was nothing to him. He says, "I was satisfied with my reception in society, but I wished to distinguish myself in war ;" and rather than not fight at all, he fought against the land of his nativity.

He entered the service of Leopold 1, Duke of Austria and Emperor of Germany, and rose rapidly. "A colonel at twenty and a