nion of them, it was not his intention to recommend, nor did the petitioners wish any immediate disturbance of those laws. He was perfectly persuaded that no laws of any kind could long uphold the present price of produce in this country; but he felt it would be highly improper at present to agitate the minds of the country by a discussion which could not be followed by any immediate practical result. He was quite sure that every intelligent man would condemn with him the absurdity of opposing the interests of one class of the people to the interests of another. And yet a manifesto had made its appearance from certain persons associated for the purpose of endeavouring to induce Parliament to impose further restraints on the importation of agricultural produce (on which object he would say nothing, as he was sure it would be discountenanced by the House), in which manifesto, the interests of the agriculturist were spoken of as of much more importance than the interests of the manufacturer, or the interests of the merchant. Nothing could exceed the absurdity of all this, and he was persuaded that more nonsense in the way of political economy was never broached. To assert that one class was more useful in society than another, or that the interests of one class should be preferred to those of another, was just as foolish as it would be to say, that in the human body, the heart, or the lungs, or the liver, was more serviceable than any other organ in the performance of the animal functions. Every person of common sense must feel that this country, highly populous as it had become, must mainly depend for the support of that population, and for its comparative prosperity, on the cultivation of every branch of its industry. It was most important that Parliament should consider, since we could not recover what we had lost, how we should retain what we still possessed. To do this we must look back to the principles of our ancestors. The first desideratum was such security and tranquillity in the country as would enable the possessor of capital to employ it without apprehension. The second, and it was that to which the petitioners principally referred, was as great a freedom of trade as was compatible with other and important considerations. The benefits to be derived from security were incalculable. Without that security the distress in which a great part of the population was involved must be deeply aggravated. In former times the institutions of the country were respected, and the laws were obeyed, while rational liberty was enjoyed, and the result was, that the country was the favourite theatre of commercial enterprize. But a great change had taken place; and to him it was evident, that if the state of insubordination which had so long existed were permitted to continue, the, most fatal consequences would ensue. He was sorry to find that the effects of the present state of things were beginning to be felt as he apprehended they would be felt in

An

Scotland, where the good sense of the people seldom failed in ascertaining their best interests. He was sorry to hear from Paisley that a considerable number of the smaller manufacturers were withdrawing in consequence of the state of insubordination in which that neighbourhood was thrown.without a return to order, without respect for the laws was perfectly restored, it was impossible to expect that the possessors of, capital would risk it in commercial speculations. To a people so discerning as the Scotch, he was surprised that the example of a country close to them had not been sufficiently convincing on this subject. What was the reason that in Ireland, with its cheap food and its immense population, manufactures had never been established to any ex. tent ? Because the greater part of that country had always been in a state of the worst insubordination and lawlessness. additional proof of the necessity of security. to commerce and manufactures, might be found in the fact, that the very small portion of manufacture existing in Ireland was carried on precisely at that little spot of it where tranquillity was established. He considered therefore, a main obstacle to our hope of commercial recovery, to consist in the general insubordination and insecurity which pervaded the country. But that was not the sole obstacle. Another great obstacle was that of which the Petitioners complained-a reluctance to return to the old and established principles on which our commercial prosperity was originally founded. We were now surrounded with jealous rivals. Every Government was endeavouring to aggrandize its subjects by commerce. Nor was it surprising that many parts of Europe, as well as America, where trade was unrestricted by the fetters imposed upon it in this country, beat us in the market. In France great strides were making. He had been for some time a resident in that country, and he knew it to be the fact that no Government could pay more attention to the interests of commerce. He had that morning received a letter from a friend at Paris, in which his correspondent said, "Manufacturers of all kinds are more employed than they have been for years;-the labourers are all at work ;and no branch of industry is without bread." What the Petitioners wished was to draw the serious attention of the House to the subject, and to the expediency of some legislative interposition. They stated, that it was not possible they could be expected to enter into competition with their Continental rivals, unless some attempt were made to the old principles of freedom of trade. At the same time they were very far from wishing for such a sudden alteration as might be injurious to existing interests. It was evident that something must be done. It was impossible that the country could rise from its present depressed state without some change in our commercial system. It was a subject wholly divested of the prejudice of party feel

ing.

ing. All parties must concur in one wish. He was convinced that no Gentleman was more anxious to see the sound principles to which he had alluded carried into operation, than the Right Honourable Gentleman in whose hands at present the regulation of our trade was placed. He did not wish to say any thing harsh of that Right Honourable Gentleman's predecessor, than whom no man could be more zealous or desirous of doing good; but he could not speak of him with equal praise. But that which was one of the most alarming symptoms, was the apathy with which the Government in general regarded this subject. So far were they from being sensible of the necessity of some exertion, that (as in matters of finance) they went on from year to year, trusting that the next year would be spontaneously productive of some favourable change, and apparently with very indistinct notions of what the real condition of the country was. Whenever a question arose between two classes of the community, Government, without seeming to have any opinion of their own, stood by, until they ascertained which party could give them the most effectual support. If the House looked back to an earlier period of those which were still our own times, they would behold a different picture; they would find Mr. Pitt engaged in framing a commercial treaty, and, amidst difficulties of every description, boldly taking whatever steps appeared to him to be the best calculated to advance our commercial prosperity. He wished that he could see a little of the same spirit in the present day. Instead of that Ministers were balancing one party against another, and trying how they could keep their places from one year to another; neglecting in the mean while all those great commercial and national questions to which their most lively attention ought to be directed. Having stated that the general object of the Petitioners was a renewal, under certain limitations, of the freedom of trade, by the abolition of all injurious restrictions, he might, perhaps, be excused if, without entering into minute details, he suggested some of the improvements which were deemed desirable. The first doctrine which the petitioners wished to combat was, that fallacious one which had of late years arisen, that this country ought to subsist on its own produce; that it was wise on the part of every country to raise within itself the produce requisite for its consumption. Now really it was most absurd to contend, that if a country, by selling any article of manufacture could purchase the produce which it might require, at half the expence at which that produce could be raised, it should nevertheless be precluded from doing

absurd reasoners had found out that the only true wisdom was, in spite of that benevolent ordination, to endeavour to produce at home by considerable effort and at great disad vantage that, which with ease, and at half the expence, might be procured elsewhere. To some countries greater fertility of soil, to others greater ingenuity on the part of the people was imparted. But according to the profound gentlemen to whom he alluded, no exchange should take place of the produce of the one for the fabric of the other. Nay, they would have the Swede or Norwegian scratch his barren rocks, in the hope of a scanty crop, rather than purchase with his ample forest the means of living from countries possessed of abundance. But to come more closely to the immediate object in view. There was the duty on the importation of wool. On what principle could that be defended? A tax on the raw material. He was curious to hear what Ministers would say on the subject, when the Noble Lord (Lord Milton) should bring forward the motion, of which he had that evening given notice. He believed that this was the first in which in any country, where commerce was protected and fostered, that such an impost had been attempted. The woollen manufacture especially-the favourite branch of our ancient industry—that that should be subjected to such a burden, he strongly felt as most injurious. It might be asserted, that it could bear the tax. Let it be recollected, however, that as it was not always possible to ascertain exactly how much an animal could bear, so it was not always possible to ascertain exactly how much a manufacture could bear; and that in touching the manufacture to which he alluded, they tampered with one of vital importance, a single mistake about which would be fatal. He conjured the House to keep this in mind, when they came to the consideration of the question which the Noble Lord intended soon to raise; and he was happy that the subject was in such excellent hands. The chief manufacture of the country was at stake. When he said that the manufacture of the country was at stake, he would add that the agriculture of the country was equally at stake. The tax on the raw material from abroad must inevitably bring down the price of the raw material here. Since the tax had been imposed, the trade had fallen immensely; and he had no doubt the price of wool would fall also. Many persons would contend that the home market was every thing, and that the foreign market was nothing. Suppose it should turn out that manufacturers in all parts of the Continent, where they were thriving in consequence of the cheapness of labour and the freedom of the raw material from duty, should beat us entirely out of the foreign market, in what state would the interests of agriculture then be at home? If the woollen manufacture were to sink, wool of home growth must be exported in immeuse quantities, similar to

those

those in which our Princes formerly paid their subsidies, and would of course be deteriorated in value. The tax, therefore, would eventually be as injurious to the farmer as to the manufacturer. Under all these circumstances, he certainly had felt the greatest surprise to find his Majesty's Government, without having heard a word on the subject, declare their determination not to countenance any alteration in the law. A tax on the raw material was contrary to the practice of this country in all times, until the extreme prosperity which existed during the late war, when every old principle was borne down, when it mattered not, commanding the seas as we did, whether we imposed a duty on wool, or on any other commodity necessary to our manufactures, and when we could neglect with impunity those maxims which we must now re-establish if we wish to avert a portion of the evils that threatened the country. Another important point was, such a revision of the regulations respecting the revenue as would show where our old principles had been deviated from, accompanied by a determination to correct those aberrations unless very cogent reasons could be shown for persevering in them. Every endeavour should be made to abolish restriction as far as it was practicable to do so. For instance, in the article of timber. Why not allow the Norwegians, the Poles, the Russians, to import their timber into this country, which would necessarily cause a great consumption of British manufactures and great employment of British shipping? And here he would observe, that the restrictive system had not only driven us out of the continental market, but had communicated a character of severity to our commercial regulations generally injurious to us. He was sure that our restrictions, and especially those on the importation of timber, had created many enemies who possessed considerable means of annoy

ance.

On that subject he would not, however, say more, as he had reason to hope that the Gentlemen opposite had made up their minds to allow at least of some alteration in the existing law. -Another desirable step would be to do away totally prohibition as much as possible. Where protection for particular manufactures was considered to be necessary, it ought to be in the form of duty and not in that of prohibition. Prohibition had no doubt seriously injured the revenue by the encouragement which it gave to smuggling. The Customs had fallen off a million and a half in the course of the last year.- He was sure that a good deal of that defalcation might be ascribed to prohibition. Nothing could be more absurd than to suppose any prohibition would prevent the introduction of articles that were in demand. The fact was, that at an advance of 20 or 25 per cent. all light prohibited articles might be had at our doors. He would not say what sex was the more to blame, but such was the fact. Indeed, it MONTHLY MAG. No. 340.

The

was quite impossible to suppose that ladies would not procure French gloves or shoes in this way if they could not get them in any other; and thus the revenue suffered without the attainment of the object which the prohibition contemplated. He did not wish to make any general sweeping assertions; but he must observe, that Honourable Gentlemen, in agreeing to cite the Navigation Laws as affording a protection to com. merce were much mistaken. Their tendency was to injure commerce. For instance, coals-so necessary to our manufactures-might, but for the Navigation Laws, be brought to our ports at half their present price by Dutch or German vessels. principle of the Navigation Laws was, that no produce should be imported into this country except in our own vessels, or in the vessels of that country to which the produce belonged. He thought that no restriction ought to be held on foreign ships importing into this country, whether the produce was of their own or any other country. When this restriction was imposed, he was sure that those who framed it did not clearly see the advantage of a free intercourse between this and other nations. The freedom of the transit trade was also a most desirable object. The importation of every commo. dity for re-exportation ought to be allowed, and any opposition to this principle was a restriction of our commercial transactions. He was not aware that a regulation of this sort would interfere with the interests of any Gentleman or set of Gentlemen in this country; but if it so happened that it did, he felt convinced that the House, or any Committee to whom the subject was referred, would give every attention to any representations which should be made to them. But upon a subject of this kind, he hoped Gentlemen would go into an inquiry, without any prejudice or party feelings, looking only to the advancement of the commerce of the country, and not listening or yielding to any interest without considering the justice of the objections which should be made. A great objection had been made to the transit of German linens, and petitions had been presented against its importation even for exportation. A vague and idle notion existed that this would injure the linen trade of Ireland; that that trade was in fact at stake, if such an importation were allowed. A Noble Lord who was interested in this trade, was so strongly of this opinion, that the question was decided against the importation. The House should, however, consider, without looking to the right or to the left, that their great object ought to be to use every possible means to revive the trade and commerce of the United Kingdom. He was aware that the Linen Trade of Ireland deserved their greatest attention, and ought to be encouraged by every possible means; there was no trade which was more entitled to protection, but the transit to which he alluded could by no means affect that trade. The

consumption of German linen here was the only means by which the Irish Linen Trade could be affected.- What, in the mean time, was the effect of this prohibition?-If we were to send goods to foreign markets, they must be made up of assorted articles. Suppose we send to the French colonies, what were we to send but such articles as would suit the market? There was a time when we sent our fleets under convoys, and when no other country could oppose us; then we could send out what we pleased; but now that exclusive monopoly was at an end.-Every nation was as free as we were to go to the different markets, therefore we were bound to exert ourselves, to procure a market as well as our neighbours. It was also of importance that we should alter our commercial regulations with respect to France. He was aware that strong prejudices existed against us in that country, not to speak of those existing here. But he did not think it would be difficult in a little time to remove those prejudices. Here he felt it necessary to state, that he by no means blamed the Noble Lord (Castlereagh), who lately conducted negociations between this country and France, for not having stipulated for, or forced any commercial concessions.

It was

desirable that all restrictive regulations between the trade of England and France should be removed, but to do so we must begin at home. It would be unfair to attempt a negociation for a commercial intercourse, while we kept our ports shut against them. Let it be considered that it was not by a restrictive system that this country had grown to such a pitch of greatness, but, on the contrary, that such a system was a bar to that greatness. It was necessary also to remove an impression which our system of commerce had made abroad. We were looked up to as the first commercial nation in the world, and it was therefore believed that we had adopted our restrictive or protecting system, from a conviction of its beneficial effects on our commerce. This impression it was our interest as well as our duty to remove, by altering our commercial regulations with foreign powers. The next point to which he would direct the attention of the House, was an extension of our trade with India. He was aware that this was a delicate subject; that it was one concerning which we had to deal not with a foreign power, but a power at home. But he felt

persuaded if the Gentlemen who conduct the affairs of that Company had a fair case made out to them; if it was clearly shewn that the trade between this country could be extended without injury to their interests, their concurrence would be easily obtained. At all events, he was sure they would come fairly forward and argue the subject—and if upon inquiry, such extension should be shewn to be injurious to their interests, he would be the last man in the House or the country to press his suggestion. He was aware that there were two great objections to the ex

tension of this trade: first, that it would open a facility of smuggling in the China seas; and secondly, that such an extended intercourse on the part of this country, would derange existing regulations, and involve the India Government in difficulties with the Government of China. He knew that it was a difficult matter to manage the Government of China. But to these two objections he would give what he conceived to be an unanswerable argument. What was there now to prevent the Americans from trading between China and Amsterdam? It was a thing daily done. If then this was the case, he should like to know what injury was likely to be done to the India Company by English vessels carrying on a similar trade? It was urged on former occasions, that English vessels would enter into smuggling transactions. Suppose them to do so, there was a means of catching them at some time. The vessels and their commanders were known, besides there were securities given which could always be come at. But where was the remedy against a foreigner who smuggled goods from China to England, or elsewhere? He came, deposited his cargo, was off, and nobody could find him or make him responsible in any other way for what he had done. Then came the argument, that such an extension of trade would involve the India Governmens in difficulty with that of China, but it was known that the Americans had for a considerable time carried on that trade without being involved in any such difficulty, at least, we had not heard of any-why could not this country be allowed to carry it on in a similar manner? Why should not it be open to our own merchants as well as to foreigners? Beside, this trade would give to this country a commercial intercourse with the Spanish Colonies in South America. The trade in the Indian seas would be wonderfully improved if opened to the spirit and enterprize of British merchants. That trade was now carried on by Americans, whose vessels went from port to port unrestricted as to their tonnage or any other disqualification to which British traders were subject. Let this trade be thrown open, and it was impossible to say what advantages may not be derived to this country from it from the ingenuity, enterprize and industry of the merchants of Liverpool, Bristol, Glasgow, and our other commercial sea ports. At all events, enough was known to shew that it would be an improvement to the commerce of the country. He begged pardon for having trespassed so long on the attention of the House. He was sure, that whatever proposition of this nature was proposed to the Company, they would meet it with that fairness and deliberation which the discussion of so important a subject demanded. He believed that he had pretty generally pointed out those alterations which be conceived practicable in our commercial system. He was sure the house would feel with him, that the circumstances of the times were such as

to

to call for the minutest inquiry, on their parts, into every possible means of improving this trade and commerce. It was their duty to shew to the country, that nothing practicable was left undone to contribute to relieve those distresses under which so many laboured. It was natural when any portion of the country felt distress, that they should apply by petition to Parliament for relief, and it was the duty of Parliament to shew that they adopted every means in their power of affording it. He knew very well, that there were many hard and severe distresses, which it was out of the power of any Parliament to remedy. He recollected the lines of

the Poet

"How sreall of all the ills which men endure,

The part which Kings or Lords can cause or cure." But it was the duty of Parliament to turn their minds seriously to the question --to shew the people that their wants were not neglected-to let them see that no party feeling or prejudice operated, but that all, however differing on other points, were united on this; by doing this, they would do more to quiet that disturbed feeling, to set at rest those angry passions which arose in a great measure from distress, than could be done by any other means. The Honourable Gentleman, after moving that the Petition be received, sat down amidst loud cheers from all sides of the House.

To the Honourable the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE UNDERSIGNED MERCHANTS OF THE CITY OF LONDON, Sheweth,

That foreign commerce is eminently conducive to the wealth and prosperity of a country, by enabling it to import the commodities for the production of which the soil, climate, capital, and industry of other countries are best calculated, and to export in payment those articles for which its own situation is better adapted.

That freedom from restraint is calculated to give the utmost extension to foreign trade, and the best direction to the capital and industry of the country.

That the maxim of buying in the cheapest market, and selling in the dearest, which regulates every merchant in his individual dealings, is strictly applicable, as the best rule for the trade of the whole nation.

That a policy, founded on those principles, would render the commerce of the world an interchange of mutual advantages, and diffuse an increase of wealth and enjoyments among the inhabitants of each State.

That, unfortunately, a policy the very reverse of this has been, and is, more or less adopted and acted upon by the Government of this and of every other country, each trying to exclude the production of other countries, with the specious and well-meant design of encouraging its own productions; thus inflicting on the bulk of its subjects, who are consumers, the necessity of sub

mitting to privations in the quantity or quality of commodities; and thus rendering what ought to be the source of mutual benefit and harmony among States, a constantly recurring occasion of jealousy and hostility.

That the prevailing prejudices in favour of the protective or restrictive system, may be traced to the erroneous supposition that every importation of foreign commodities occasions a diminution or discouragement of our own productions to the same extent; whereas it may be clearly shown that, although the particular description of production which could not stand against unrestrained foreign competition would be discouraged, yet as no importation could be continued for any length of time, without a corresponding exportation, direct or indirect, there would be an encouragement, for the purpose of that exportation, of some other production to which our situation might be better suited; thus affording at least an equal, and probably a greater and certainly a more beneficial employment to our own capital and labour.

That of the numerous protective and prohibitory duties of our commercial code, it may be proved that, while all operate as a very heavy tax on the community at large, very few are of any ultimate benefit to the classes in whose favour they were originally instituted, and none to the extent of the loss occasioned by them to other classes.

That among the other evils of the restrictive or protective system, not the least is, that the artificial protection of one branch of industry or source of production against foreign competition, is set up as a ground of claim by other branches for similar protection; so that if the reasoning upon which these restrictive or prohibitory regulations are founded, were followed out consistently, it would not stop short of excluding us from all foreign commerce whatsoever. And the same train of argument, which, with corresponding prohibitions and protective duties, should exclude us from foreign trade, might be brought forward to justify the re-enactment of restrictions upon the interchange of productions (unconnected with public revenue) among the kingdoms composing the Union, or among the counties of the same kingdom.

That an investigation of the effects of the restrictive system, at this time, is peculiarly called for, as it may, in the opinion of your Petitioners, lead to a strong presumption, that the distress which now so generally prevails, is considerably aggravated by that system; and that some relief may be obtained by the earliest practicable removal of such of the restraints as may be shown to be most injurious to the capital and industry of the community, and to be attended with no compensating benefit to the public revenue.

That a declaration against the anti-commercial principles of our restrictive system is of the more importance at the present juncture, inasmuch as, in several instances

of