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must pay masters, supply books, and every thing necessary for the establishment; wherever a school is established, three of the principal persons, resident in that place, shall be elected to watch over the establishment;

and these inspectors must report to the royal

chamber of public instruction; but in addition to the stationary inspector, the royal chamber shall select from its own members inspectors, who shall be charged to make frequent visits to the academies; and, in conjunction with the stationary inspectors, report to the royal chamber; and they may remove the master to another academy, or on the establishment of any impropriety in his conduct, suspend him from his office. Any person or society may form an academy, either by grant or will, provided an authority from the royal chamber has been obtained, and may reserve to his heirs and successors a right of presenting a master; but he must lay before the royal chamber certificates to attest the proposed person's good conduct, and capability to teach. The boys and girls shall be instructed in separate academies. The royal chamber will watch with attention, that the instruction in the academies

is founded on good principles, on religion, respect for the laws, and love of their sovereign. The chamber will point out the method to be followed, and the authors that shall be read. Schools modelled on these regulations, shall be established throughout the kingdom; and every six months the chamber shall lay before the king a report on the progress of education."

Having gone accurately through the plan of education, we conceive to be sufcient: to detail the passages would not be pleasing, the French not being very good, and the display of titles, names, and stations of noblemen in the direction, would not be entertaining. We cannot but contemplate with delight this kingdom of emancipated Negro slaves, commencing their career of greatness with establishments for the universal instruction of the people, a system which England having too long neglected, is at this day actively encouraging, which, Scotland having early established, has advanced her inhabitants in foreign counries beyond competition, and from such seminaries not having been generally instituted in Ireland, the progress of her splendid talents has been stunted, tumult organised, and the peaceful industry of her people retarded. In Russia, Prussia, Poland, Sweden, and in various parts of Germany and Italy, great exertions are now making to diffuse education amongst the people; Spain and Portugal are grovelling in besotted bigotry, and their inhabitants degenerated to slaves, from the want of a general system of education; while

young

Hayti commences her career with an encouragement of that universal knowledge which the greatest monarchs in the world feel the disadvantage of not having sooner disseminated amongst their subjects.

We now have great pleasure in turning to the Baron De Vastey's political reflections on some works and journals lately published in France, concerning Hayti: this publication is intended to answer Monsieur de Pradt on the Colonies and Revolution of America, (whose work is in some repute and translated into English); and also the Chevalier le Borgne de Boignee, ex-délégué du Gouvernment a Saint-Domingue, exlegislateur deputé de cette colonie.As we have not read this last work, we must take the Baron's account of it; and from that we are lead to execrate both the man and his publication. Baron shows, that Le Borgne's object is to cast on Buonaparte all the obloquy of the infernal conduct practised by the French government against St. Domingo, and to invite the Haytian people to return to the government of the Bourbons, to make the Haytians believe England excited France to commit all the barbarities perpetrated at St. Domingo, and to induce England to think the Haytians ungrateful, and that she ought to combine with France to reduce them to slavery.

The

illustrated with historical fact, makes The Baron, in splendid declamation, a full display of the atrocities perpetrated by the French, and, with great feeling, paints the suffering of his countrymen. The Chevalier le Borgne having most audaciously asserted, that the sons of the King of Hayti were now at school in France, and that the children of all the chiefs had been safely returned to St. Domingo; the Baron proves, that

none had been returned, but that in the most unmerciful manner all those innocent children that the King and chiefs of have perished by famine, poison, and Hayti had intrusted to French protection, the most cruel inflictions; and he proceeds to argue, that a change in the dynasty of France does not alter the disposition of that people, who are sanguinary and vindictive beyond example. After this he attacks

Monsieur le

Borgne personally; his profound immorality, he says, Southonax knew and held in abhorrence; that Le Borgne had created insurrection in Saint Domingo, against the commission in France, and

then

then organized pillage for his own profit; that Le Borgne was well known, at Paris, at Tobago, at St. Lucia, at Martinique, and at the Cape, as a swindler; that he had returned from Cayes with general execration, was charged with piracy, and above all, with defiling, by treachery, the wife of his friend Rigaud. The Baron points out the necessity for and the advantages which must attend general education, and mentions the public institutions, which we have already stated from the proclamation: he then proceeds to enumerate the institutions that have been established for the study of the law and military arts, and declares that twenty-five years since they were sunk in the most miserable ignorance, but now from their own exertions they are enjoying every advantage that education can afford; that from great attention to the education of their families, morality has been much advanced, marriages have become numerous, and every vicious habit discontinued; that the Haytians, in imitation of the Romans, dedicate themselves to agriculture and to the military art, that they have articles of the first necessity manufactured amongst themselves, as powder, sulphur, salt-petre, all sorts of fire arms, cannon, bombs, balls, &c. that the Haytians are well advanced in printing (as in truth his own book will prove, for it was printed at Hayti;) that the Island produces wheat, barley, oats, wine, and English potatoes; that France would not suffer the inhabitants while under her control to cultivate any thing but indigo, coffee, sugar, and cotton; but that King Henry encourages every article for home consumption, recommends economy, and forbids large credit to be given on any account; and if the creditor throws his debtor into prison, he must support him there.-TheBaron admirably refutes and exposes Le Borgne, ridicules his plans, and holds him up to deserved detestation: he shews that no change in France produced any change in favor of Hayti; France itself was her enemy. He then details the jubilee act, the address of Dessalines to the army, and the answers of the chiefs, to prove the spirit and determination of the Haytian People. He strongly points out the immorality and degeneracy which attend slavery, and pronounces a beautiful eulogy on the patriots who first effected its total destruction at St. Domingo, particularly Toussaint, Maurepas, Belair, Thomany Dommage, Lamaholiere and Prince Ferdinand. He tells us of the improvements MONTHLY MAG, No. 338.

made by the Haytians in manufactures as well as in agriculture, arts and arms; and he illustrates the wickedness of the French colonial policy, by an anecdote of Governor Bellcombe's having condemned Mons. Soleil, an inhabitant of Soraives, to prison and to be severely whipped, for making wine on his plantation, as it might curtail the French trade. The Baron publishes the conditions offered to Hayti by France, the impossibility of acceding to them, or having any thing to do with France, unless she acknowledges their independence; and he admirably ridicules the propositions offered,and asks how France, that has just liberated her people from tyranny, can require Hayti to surrender the liberty she has so fully attained. He next argues on the attempt to establish a French Trading Company in Hayti, and proves the danger and injury of such an establishment; then declares, that if France does not immediately acknowledge their independence, they must exclude all her manufactures; and concludes with a fine exhortation to his countrymen, to be united, determined, and free.

St. Domingo is as large as Ireland, has now about half a million of inhabitants, and is capable of supporting six millions of people at least. Every citizen is trained

to

arms and industry. Hayti has no enemy but France, and her climate alone is a barrier against any invasion that could be fatal to her independence. Christophe considers himself to have been carried originally as a slave from the dominions of the King of Dahomy, his subjects from different parts of the West Coast of Africa; and in pursuit of trade, and to increase the population, many adventurers will probably visit their native shores, where they will find many nations free, and who would neither purchase a slave, nor suffer one of their own nation to be sold to slavery. Here will be an extensive field for the introduction of civilization, cultivation, education, morality, industry, and the christian religion. Teachers and preachers will do much, but the glorious example of St. Domingo will do more. The ignc rantly contemptible argument for continuing the slave trade," that if the inhabitants of Africa were not sold, they would be sacrificed to Pagan idolatry, or at domestic ceremonies, or to gratify the vengeance of victory," must soon

be done away. Christianity was long since found in Abyssinia and in different parts of the Eastern Coast; and we 2 E confidently

confidently trust, that by the instrumentality of Hayti, it will soon extend itself on the Western side. The East of Africa originally abounded with learned and scientific men: we find Egypt the seat of science, Carthage preeminent amongst nations, the learning of Africa enlightening Rome; and it is natural for Juvenal and Horace to speak of their African friends and companions with the highest respect, when Lycurgus, Solon, Herodotus and Plato repaired to that country for instruction. The system of school education, originating with Lancaster, is now pursued at Hayti; and I can have no doubt of its being wafted to, and shortly extended over the West Coast of Africa. Thus enlightened by their own race, I have no doubt of her being restored to the splen.. dor she once held among the most civilized nations on earth. I cannot conclude without considering the effect this independent kingdom of Negroes is likely to have on the abolition of slavery in the West Indies, or at least the service it must render in preventing any improper severity being practised on the slave population, because the unfortunate sufferers might quickly find a place of refuge in St. Domingo. I should hope it would induce the planters quickly to adopt a system of gradual emancipation, and establish a fund to compensate those who may have made bona fide purchases under existing law. Regulated emancipation and adequate

I conjure every sincere abolitionist, every true philanthropist, and every active Christian desirous of diffusing the holy book of revelation, to assist the exertions of Hayti, to send competent persons to instruct them in religion, morality, in the principles of legislation, and political economy, in scho. lastic learning, in surgery, in arts, sciences, manufactures and agriculture; and then in duce the natives so instructed, to proceed on friendly missions to Africa. Or let us carry them to different settlements from the Cape de Verd, to Cape Negro. We might also commute the punishment of death, or transportation for life, into an apprenticeship of seven years in St. Domingo, preparatory to seven years residence in instructing the

natives of the West Coast of Africa. Surely this country, which is covered with benevolent institutions, might form a society of this sort, and perform this most desirable duty with fidelity; not make professions

of zeal for the African race, without ex

ecuting any beneficial promise; but carry into effect such things as would tend to their temporal and eternal happiness.

compensation would preclude complaint from either party; whilst a just and happy termination might thus be put in our colonies, to this degradation of humanity. Our government and the planters seem anxious for its accom; plishment, yet nothing has been done. I pray that they may attend to the warning of the volcano, and not wait for its explosion. But when the spirit of liberty extends itself to the Brazils, I fear the vengeance of long oppression will be too formidable, and that the oppressors will be swept away in a deluge of blood.

I have received other productions of the Haytians, creditable to the genius of the blacks, and to the liberal spirit of King Henry's government, the substance of which I will hasten to lay before you.

W.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR,

IWAS much pleased by reading your correspondent, L. E. E.'s observations on Oaths and Subscriptions to Articles, the sentiments contained therein being in many respects the same as my own on this most serious subject; and I sincerely hope that the writer of the letter will bring forward some particular instances of these objectionable subscriptions, &c. giving at full length the forms of them.

Would not a nation be as well governed if no oaths of office of any kind whatsoever were required to be taken? A person entering on any office might have the duties of the office read over to

him, with the penalties annexed to a breach of such duties; he might sign a short declaration to this effect. I, hereby acknowledge myself liable by law to the above mentioned penalties for a breach of the duties specified.

I have before me, a letter in an old publication for January, 1753, (p. 30) entitled the New Universal Magazine, the following is an extract:very much to the purpose, from which

"I am greatly obliged to you for the news you send me from time to time. A late circumstance has afforded me an uncommon

pleasure, and that is the scheme now on foot for an application for redress, with regard to parish and ward office oaths, a scheme so laudable, so useful, and necessary, that you will excuse me if I take up your time by dwelling on so laudable a theme."

I wish for information respecting this scheme, as it is called; perhaps some one can give it in your magazine. Feb. 1, 1820.

A. Z.

For

For the Monthly Magazine. [As the following Dialogue, written long ago by WILLAND, has been supposed to have had considerable influence in stimulating the barbarous enterprise of CHARLES LUDWIG SANDT, it may, as a literary curiosity, merit publication, while the fall of Kotzebue still continues an object of European attention.]

BRUTUS and CORDAY.

CORDAY.-Where art thou, Brutus, to whom the guillotine has borne me, that on thy bosom I may repose after the great deed to which neither pride, nor enthusiasm, nor vengeance, but a fiery love of my country, an ardent desire to set a sublime example to my fellowcitizens, and a heart-felt pang for the con dition of a nation misled by a brood of hell, and so deceived as to glory in its destructive error, have irresistibly impelled me. Brutus, where art thou? Thy example lifted my heart. How happy am I to have done what thou didst, and hand in hand with thee to pass on towards that immortality to which sentiments and actions, impressed with the seal of true patriotism, cannot but con duct.

BRUTUS.-Gently, Corday. I grudge thee neither thy satisfaction, thy impenitence, nor the effusions of a soul which dwells not in every female frame, nor the disinterested merit of burying thy dagger in a breast, whose collapse was to give health only to thy country, but death to thyself. Yet excuse me, though thousands exalt thy undertaking to the skies, though millions shall repeat it with applause for centuries; if I analyse and unveil thy conduct, for in these regions prevails an incorruptible and severe impartiality: and if I concede to thee only an honourable pride, an ambition to be immortalized along with others, who have generously scorned, or seemed to scorn death itself, and to leave thy name indelibly graven in the annals of the human race.

It is true thou hast freed thy country from one of the most horrible monsters, ever vomited from the abyss for the ruin of his fellow-citizens, from a member of that most detestable gang, which, under pretext of attempting the happiness of Frenchmen by means of freedom, has imposed upon them the hardest fetters, and almost accomplished their destruction at a time, when it professes to make their welfare the sole scope of its endeavours. Thou hast pierced the heart of a wretch, the object of general abhorrence, whom even those of his own party only appeared not to abhor, be

cause they thought him alone vile enough to be capable of executing those crimes, which their own scanty remnant of honourable feeling forbad them personally to patronize.

But tell me, heroine, for notwithstanding my censure, I still hold thee worthy of this lofty title, did thy reason not misgive thee, while reflecting upon what thou wast about to do? To defend thy life, thy chastity, against every attack, even at the expence of blood; to become the murderess of whoever might attempt to murder thee, or to rob thee of thy honour, of thy virtue, this is bravery, this is not only allowed but commanded by the law of self-preservation. who has given thee a permission or a commission to shed the blood of any one, whom thou mayst choose to declare a monster, and the author and cause of the sufferings of thy country?

But

CORDAY.-Here, Brutus, thou art entangled in thine own toils. Stop before thou makest any further objections. Thou a man, I a woman; dost thou imagine that makes any difference? Could the lofty principles of a philosophy, which throughout life illuminated thy every footstep, secure thee against the possibility of error. I was wandering in the dark, it seems, when I did, what thou didst: nay, have I not done still more than thou? Thou hadst sixty fellowconspirers. I was alone. Thou a man and a general; I a woman, whose hand had never wielded a sword. Thy poignard stretched upon the ground a man, who, when he could have revenged himself upon thee, granted thee a pardon, to which no calls of prudence invited him. O Brutus, what a difference between Cæsar and Marat! Do not misinterpret me. I shall never recall the wish to be united by means of the guillotine with thee, the great friend of freedom, and to wander with thee among those noble souls, who have defied the dangers of death, in order to lead their fellow-citizens into the fields of freedom. Once again, what a contrast between Cæsar and Marat! Cæsar, how favourably inclined toward thee, how great his regard for thee, so great, that he expressly commanded his people when they met thee in battle not to take thy life, whatever it cost them, to take thee prisoner indeed if thou were content to yield, if not to let thee go whithersoever thou wouldst. Thou wast a partisan of Pompey. After the battle which terminated so unfortunately for this noble Roman, thou hadst to forsake his camp, and fly to Larissa. Then didst

thou

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thou not write to Cæsar? And what generosity of soul he displayed! He rejoiced so much to hear from thee, that he bad thee await him in the place where thou then wast. And the blood of this man, of thy benefactor, thou couldst see flow, and applaud thyself that it flowed by thy sword, and the swords of those who had attached themselves to thee as the saviour of liberty. And am I to be accused of pride, because not actuated by this cold reason, when I drew the dagger against one who did not even deserve to fall by the blow of a human being? Wilt thou maintain that pride was the sole instigator of my enterprise, that reason was not my prompter, when I went forth and accomplished a deed, which in truth not a woman-wont as this name may be to obloquy—but a man, but ten thousand men-(if my country were not groaning under millions of male cowards)—should long ago emulously have rushed forward to perform?

BRUTUS.-Thou opposest Marat_to Cæsar, in order to set thy deed, Corday, above mine. Cæsar was my friend and benefactor: but he was an enemy of the state, a tyrant, an oppressor of his fellowcitizens. And could I be bound by gratitude toward him, who in order to make himself creatures, or to preserve his old ones, overstepped in many respects both order and justice? Toward him, who had admitted a great number of mean persons into the senate, who by their low birth, their former occupations, and many of them by their known criminality, dishonoured this respectable assembly. Ought I, out of gratitude, to have spared his life, whose known maxim it was, in order to plunge Rome deeper and deeper into servitude, to reward every who was useful to him, even at the expence of the republic; who openly professed, that if villains and murderers helped him to his rights, or to the advancement of his fortunes, he should hold it his duty to be grateful to them? What ought to have prevented my freeing Rome from a man holding such principles, and who, but for me and for those who thought with me, would afterwards have proclaimed principles yet more atrocious?

Thy deed, Corday, in murdering Marat I do not blame. Only, as I have already owned, about thy motives I hesitate. But setting this aside, if it were mere pride that lifted thy hand to aim the poignard, thou wilt not acknowledge it, and I cannot incontrovertibly convict thee: yet it seems to me in a high de

gree probable, that to this pride alone thou art indebted for having overcome the fear of a death, which too certainly awaited thee. This too set aside, how couldst thou promise thyself any great effect from thy undertaking? Marat was by no means that in Paris, which Cæsar was in Rome. What good hast thou done? Has Marat not left his fellow behind? Would he not very soon have seen his profligate life terminated by the vile diseases, which his shameless debaucheries had produced? Why not rather rise against others, who exceeded Marat in their influence over the destiny of thy country? Then, Corday, then indeed should I have wished to see thy dagger transplanted among the stars, if thou hadst stood at the head of a hundred or a thousand heroes, ready to direct their hands against other profligates, and thus to put a speedy end to that anarchy, which had reduced each to depend for his security on the frail and insufficient protection of his own force.

CORDAY. Surely, Brutus, thou art unjust toward me. I did what I could, and my conscience justifies me in what I have done. I did not escape, as if I pleased I might. I made not the least attempt to fly, or to avoid responsibility. On my examination I denied nothing, I only refused to admit that I was a criminal. I denounced no adviser, for I had none: I took the whole upon my own shoulders. If thou wilt charge me with pride, it was no other than that of lending to heaven my arm, in order to execute its justice against a creature so unworthy of existence as Marat. And in this I still glory; and the more, the lower Marat was beneath Cæsar, whom thou holdest it glorious to have murdered.

Thou enquirest of me, Brutus, what great service I have done to society by the extinction of Marat. Is it my fault if other men, and, if these were wanting, if other noble women, have not followed my example? Would it not have been a great thing if Chabot and Barrere, if Danton and Robespierre, had been called down from the stage of their crimes by other magnanimous citizens of France-if they had been snatched away from continuing to be the seducers and corrupters of a people, which hopes to be free, whilst it abandons itself to these blind guides only to be the more surely hurled into the grave of destruction? And now allow me, Brutus, to ask thee, what didst thou accomplish by the slaughter of Cæsar? Thou wast

satisfied

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