NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE PRESIDENT. 171 desired that the troops should, if it were practicable, be sent back at once to York or Harrisburg. General Scott adopted the President's views warmly, and an order was accordingly prepared by the consequences of the presence of Northern troops anywhere within our borders. He reminded the President also that the jurisdiction of the city authorities was confined to their own population, and that he could give no promises for the Lieutenant-General to that effect, and people elsewhere, because he would be unable to keep them if given. The President frankly acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the Government would only ask the city authorities to use their best efforts with respect to those under their jurisdiction. The interview terminated with the distinct assurance, on the part of the President, that no more troops would be sent through Baltimore, unless obstructed in their transit in other directions, and with the understanding that the city authorities should do their best to restrain their own people. "On returning to the cars, and just about to leave, about 2 P. M., the mayor received a dispatch from Mr. Garrett, announcing the approach of troops to Cockeysville, and the excitement consequent upon it in the city. Mr. Brown and his companions returned at once to the President, and asked an immediate audience, which was promptly given. The mayor exhibited Mr. Garrett's dispatch, which gave the President great surprise. He immediately summoned the Secretary of War and General Scott, who soon appeared, with other members of the cabinet. The dispatch was submitted. The President at once, in the most decided way, urged the recall of the troops, saying that he had no idea they would be here to-day, and lest there should be the slightest suspicion of bad faith on his part in summoning the mayor to Washington, and allowing troops to march on the city during his absence, he forwarded by Major Belger of the army, who accompanied the mayor to this city. The troops at Cockeysville, the mayor was assured, were not brought there for transit through the city, but were intended to be marched to the Relay House, on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. They will proceed to Harrisburg, from there to Philadelphia, and thence by the Chesapeake and Delaware canal, or by Perrysville, as Major-General Patterson may direct." So little was the excitement at Baltimore allayed by these reasonable replies and kindly concessions, that Governor Hicks, overcome for the moment by the popular tumult, felt compelled on the 22d to address this further communication to the President:-"I feel it my duty, most respectfully to advise you that no more troops be ordered or allowed to pass through Maryland, and that the troops now off Annapolis be sent elsewhere, and I most respectfully urge that a truce be offered by you, so that the effusion of blood may be prevented. I respectfully suggest that Lord Lyons be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties of our country." To this the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, replied in behalf of the President :-"The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of that communication, and to assure you that he has weighed the counsels which it contains with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the Chief Magistrates of the several States, and especially for may arise among the parties of this Republic, ought in any case to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of an European monarchy." It will certainly be looked back upon as one of the most extraordinary assumptions of this most extraordinary war, that the chief authorities of a State not denying its allegiance to the government, requested the President to forbid the passage of United States troops through its territories when they were summoned to protect the capital against a self-styled foreign enemy openly in arms. yourself. He regrets, as deeply as any magistrate or citizen of the country can, that demonstrations against the safety of the United States, with very extensive preparations for the effusion of blood, have made it his duty to call out the force to which you allude. The force now sought to be brought through Maryland, is intended for nothing but the defence of this Capital. The President has necessarily confided the choice of the national highway which that force shall take in coming to the city, to the Lieutenant-General commanding the army of the United States, who, like his only predecessor, is not less distinguished for his In addition to these embassies and humanity, than for his loyalty, patriotism appeals of the Governor and Mayor, a and distinguished public service. The special delegation from five of the Young President instructs me to add, that the Men's Christian Associations of Baltimore national highway thus selected by the proceeded on the 22d to Washington, Lieutenant-General has been chosen by to intercede with the President on behim, upon consultation with prominent half of a peaceful policy, and to entreat magistrates and citizens of Maryland, as him not to pass troops through Baltimore the one which, while a route is absolute- or Maryland. The Rev. Dr. Fuller of ly necessary, is furthest removed from the Baptist Church accompanied the the populous cities of the State, and with the party, by invitation, as chairman. A the expectation that it would, therefore, report of the characteristic interview be the least objectionable one. which followed appeared next day in the President cannot but remember that Baltimore Sun, which, while it is hardly there has been a time in the history of to be taken as a literal report of the our country when a general of the Am- words of the conversation, preserves erican Union, with forces designed for enough of the spirit of the occasion to the defence of its capitol, was not un- present it to the reader as a curious mewelcome anywhere in the State of Mary-morial of the times. Upon the introland, and certainly not at Annapolis then, duction of the delegation," says this as now, the capital of that patriotic State, account, they were received very corand then, also, one of the capitals of the dially by Mr. Lincoln, and the conversaUnion. If eighty years could have ob- tion opened by Dr. Fuller seeking to literated all the other noble sentiments impress upon him the vast responsibility of that age in Maryland, the President of the position he occupied, and that would be hopeful, nevertheless, that there upon him depended the issue of peace or is one that would forever remain there war-on one hand, a terrible, fratricidal and everywhere. That sentiment is that conflict, and on the other, peace. 'But,' no domestic contention whatever, that said Mr. Lincoln, 'what am I to do?" The THE YOUNG MEN OF BALTIMORE. 173 Why, sir, let the country know that you they can't fly over it, and mathematically are disposed to recognize the independ- they must come across it. Why, sir, those ence of the Southern States. I say Carolinians are now crossing Virginia to nothing of secession; recognise the fact come here to hang me, and what can I that they have formed a government of do?' In some allusion to the importance their own; that they will never be united of a peace policy, Mr. Lincoln remarked again with the North, and peace will in- that if he adopted it under the circumstantly take the place of anxiety and stances there would be no Washington suspense, and war may be averted.' in that no Jackson in that-no spunk 'And what is to become of the revenue?' in that!' Whereupon Dr. Fuller hoped was the reply. 'I shall have no govern- that Mr. Lincoln would not allow 'spunk' ment-no revenues.' Dr. Fuller then to override patriotism. Mr. Lincoln expressed the opinion that the Northern doubted if he or Congress could recogStates would constitute an imposing gov-nize the Southern Confederacy. With ernment and furnish revenue. regard to the Government, he said, 'he "The conversation next turned upon must run the machine as he found it.' the passage of troops through Maryland, In reference to passing troops through Dr. Fuller expressing very earnestly the Baltimore or Maryland, he said :—' Now, hope that no more would be ordered over sir, if you won't hit me, I won't hit the soil of this State. He remarked you.' As the delegations were leaving, that Maryland had shed her blood freely Mr. Lincoln said to one or two of the in the War for Independence, she was young men, 'I'll tell you a story. You the first to move for the adoption of the have heard of the Irishman who, when a Constitution, and had only yielded her fellow was cutting his throat with a blunt clinging attachment to the Union when razor, complained that he haggled it. the blood of her citizens had been shed Now, if I can't have troops direct through by strangers on their way to a conflict Maryland, and must have them all the with her sisters of the South. Mr. Lin-way round by water, or marched across coln insisted that he wanted the troops out-of-the-way territory, I shall be hagonly for the defence of the Capital, not for the invasion of the Southern States. 'And,' he said, 'I must have the troops, and mathematically the necessity exists that they should come through Maryland. They can't crawl under the earth, and gled." From this idiomatic and sufficiently life-like report of the conversation the true position of affairs, we apprehend, can be quite as readily understood as from the more for.nal diplomatic language of the Secretary of State. CHAPTER XII. GENERAL BUTLER'S DEPARTMENT OF ANNAPOLIS. WHILST these various painful interviews and negotiations respecting the apparently simple matter of a passage of United States troops to the national Capital were forced upon the President, the question under discussion was practically solved, and Maryland saved, by an enterprising Massachusetts Brigadier General of Militia, who opened and held the route by way of Annapolis. General Benjamin Franklin Butler, who now first appears upon the stage of the war in which he was to play an important part, was a native New Englander, now forty-three years of age, in the enjoyment of considerable reputation as a stirring member of the bar and an active, influential Democratic politician. As a member of the Charleston Presidential Convention and an advocate of the election of the extreme Southern candidate, the fact of his prompt support of the Government of President Lincoln when the issue was made at Sumter was of no little significance of the final success of the cause. It was an indication of the utmost value at the time, that whatever party differences there had been heretofore, there would be but one opinion at the North on the propriety and necessity of using every effort for the preservation of the Union. The talents of General Butler were of a kind well-suited for the work, half civil, half military, upon which he was about to enter. Quick, sagacious, and above all resolute, he was not to be turned aside by unexpected practical obstacles on his route, of which quite enough might be looked for; nor was he to be perplexed by any of the sophistries of rebellion which might be interposed to interrupt the straightforward path of his civil duties. He might lack experience for an active campaign in the field, but those who knew him felt that the enemy would not easily get the advantage of him in the diplomacy of war. The man who had commenced his legal career in securing the claim of a female operative by attaching the wheel of the mill of her wealthy manufacturing debtor, would, it was said, know how and where to strike. There was another story told of him, illustrating his presence of mind, which inspired some confidence in his performance of his new military duties. It was in Lowell, Massachusetts, in 1856, during the Presidential contest, when the Hon. Rufus Choate had been invited to address the citizens. The largest hall of the town was crowded to overflowing and all were listening delighted to the orator of the occasion, when suddenly a burst of applause was interrupted by a jar in the building, and the cry that the floor was sinking. General Butler instantly rose and allayed the excitement by assuring the assembly that he did not apprehend the least danger, but as the architect was present, for the greater certainty, |