it were seized, and this new military association extinguished.

This, however, did not prevent an attempt to re-embody the old volunteer corps, now nominally existing, who had been favourably alluded to in the proclamation. For this purpose, on the 14th, the following Address was issued by the United Irishmen of Dublin. This became the subject of a criminal prosecution: an ex-officio information was filed against the secretary; after a trial of ten hours, on the 29th of January, 1794, Mr. Rowan was found guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of £500, to be imprisoned two years, and until the fine was paid, and to give security for his good behaviour for seven years, himself in 2000, and two sureties in £1000 each.

The Society of United Irishmen at Dublin, to the Volunteers of Ireland, William Drennan, Chairman, Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Secretary.

Citizen soldiers,

You first took up arms to protect your country from foreign enemies and from domestic disturbance. For the same purposes, it now becomes necessary that you should resume them. A proclamation has been issued in England, for embodying the militia, and a proclamation has been issued by the lord lieutenant and council in Ireland, for repressing all seditious associations. In consequence of both these proclamations, it is reasonable to apprehend danger from abroad, and danger at home. From whence but from apprehended danger are those menacing preparations for war drawn through the streets of this capital, or whence, if not to create that internal commotion which was not found, to shake that credit which was not affected, to blast that volunteer honour which was hitherto inviolate, are those terrible suggestions, and ru mours, and whispers, that meet us at every corner, and agitate at least our old men, our women and children. WhatVOL. IV. 3 B

ever be the motive, or from whatever quarter it arises, alarm has arisen, and you, VOLUNTEERS OF IRELAND, are therefore summoned to arms at the instance of government, as well as by the responsibility attached to your character, and the permanent obligations of your institution. We will not, at this day, condescend to quote authorities for the right of having and of using arms, but we will cry aloud, even amidst the storm raised by the witchcraft of a proclamation, that to your formation was owing the peace and protection of this island, to your relaxation has been owing its relapse into impotence and insignificance, to your renovation must be owing its future freedom and its present tranquillity. You are therefore summoned to arms, in order to preserve your country in that guarded quiet, which may secure it from external hostility, and to maintain that internal regimen throughout the land, which, superseding a notorious police or a suspected militia, may preserve the blessings of peace by a vigilant preparation for war.

Citizen soldiers, to arms! Take up the shield of freedom, and the pledges of peace-peace, the motive and end of your virtuous institution. War, an occasional duty, ought never to be made an occupation. Every man should become a soldier in the defence of his rights; no man ought to continue a soldier for offending the rights of others. The sacrifice of life in the service of our country is a duty much too honour. able to be entrusted to mercenaries, and at this time, when your country has by public authority been declared in danger, we conjure you by your interest, your duty, and your glory, to stand to your arms, and in spite of a police, in spite of a fencible militia, in virtue of two proclamations, to maintain good order in your vicinage, and tranquillity in Ireland. It is only by the military array of men in whom they confide, whom they have been accustomed to revere as the guardians of domestic peace, the protectors of their liberties and lives, that the present agitation of the people can be stilled, that tumult and licentiousness can be repressed, obedience secured to existing law, and a calm confidence diffused through the public mind in the speedy resurrection of a free constitution, of liberty and of equality,―words which we use for an oppor. tunity of repelling calumny, and of saying, that, by liberty we never understood unlimited freedom, nor by equality the

levelling of property, or the destruction of subordination.This is a calumny invented by that faction, or that gang, which misrepresents the king to the people, and the people to the king, traduces one half of the nation, to cajole the other, and by keeping up distrust and division, wishes to continue the proud arbitrators of the fortune and fate of Ireland. Liberty is the exercise of all our rights, natural and political, secured to us and our posterity by a real re presentation of the people;-and equality is the extension of the constituent, to the fullest dimensions of the constitution, of the elective franchise to the whole body of the people, to the end that government, which is collective power, may be guided by collective will, and that legislation may originate from public reason, keep pace with public improvement, and terminate in public happiness. If our constitution be imper fect, nothing but a reform in representation will rectify its abuses; if it be perfect, nothing but the same reform will perpetuate its blessings.

We now address you as Citizens, for to be Citizens you became Soldiers, nor can we help wishing that all soldiers, partaking the passions and interest of the people, would remember that they were once citizens, that seduction made them soldiers,-" but nature made them men." We address you without any authority, save that of reason, and if we ob tain the coincidence of public opinion, it is neither by force nor stratagem, for we have no power to terrify, no artifice to cajole, no fund to seduce.-Here we sit,-without mace or beadle, neither a mystery, nor a craft, nor a corporation. In four words lies all our power,-UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION and REPRESENTATIVE LEGISLATURE; yet we are confident, that on the pivot of this principle, a convention,-still less-a society,-less still, a single man, would be able, first to move and then to raise the world. We, therefore, wish for catholic emancipation without any modification, but still we consider this necessary enfranchisement as merely the portal to the temple of national freedom. Wide as this entrance is, wide enough to admit three millions-it is narrow, when compared to the capacity and comprehension of our beloved principle, which takes in every individual of the Irish nation, casts an equal eye over the whole island, embraces all that think, and feels for all that

suffer. The catholic cause is subordinate to our cause, and included in it, for, as UNITED IRISHMEN, we adhere to no sect, but to society, to no creed but christianity, to no party, but the whole people.-In the sincerity of our souls, do we desire catholic emancipation, but were it obtained tomorrow, to-morrow would we go on, as we do to-day, in the pursuit of that reform, which would still be wanting to ratify their liberties as well as our own.

For both these purposes, it appears necessary that provin. cial conventions should assemble preparatory to the convention of the protestant people. The Delegates of the catholic body are not justified in communicating with individuals, or even bodies of inferior authority, and therefore an assembly of a similar nature and organization, is necessary to establish an intercourse of sentiment, an uniformity of conduct, an united cause, and an united nation. If a convention on the one part does not soon follow, and is not soon connected with that on the other, the common cause will split into the partial interest; the people will relax into inattention and in, ertness; the union of affection and exertion will dissolve, and too probably some local insurrection, instigated by the malignity of our common enemy, may commit the character and risque the tranquillity of the island, which can be obviated only by the influence of an assembly, arising from, assimilated with the people, and whose spirit may be as it were knit with the soul of the nation,-unless the sense of the protestant people be on their part as fairly collected and as judiciously directed, unless individual exertion consolidates into collective strength, unless the particles unite into mass, we may perhaps serve some person, or some party for a little, but the public not at all. The nation is neither insolent nor rebellious nor seditious. While it knows its rights it is un willing to manifest its powers. It would rather supplicate administration to anticipate revolution by a well timed -reform, and to save their country in mercy to themselves.

The 15th of February approaches, a day ever memorable in the annals of this country as the birth-day of new IrelandLet parochial meetings be held as soon as possible. Let each parish return delegates. Let the sense of Ulster be again de. clared from Dungannon on a day auspicious to union, peace and freedom, and the spirit of the north will again become

the spirit of the nation. The civil assembly ought to claim the attendance of the military associations, and we have addressed you citizen soldiers, on this subject, from the belief that your body, uniting conviction with zeal, and zeal with activity, may have much influence over our countrymen, your relations and friends. We offer only a general outline to the public, and meaning to address Ireland, we presume not at present to fill up the plan or pre-occupy the mode of its execution. We have thought it our duty to speak: answer us by actions; you have taken time for consideration. Fourteen long years are elapsed since the rise of your associations, and in 1782 did you imagine that in 1792 this nation would still remain unrepresented? How many nations in this interval have gotten the start of Ireland! How many of our country. men have sunk into the grave!—January 25, 1793.

The immediate approval and adoption of the principles of this address, by the remnants of the Dublin Volunteer corps; and some symptoms of rejoicing they had manifested, at the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick, and the battle of Jemappe; and the aristocratic rage, then prevalent, against French principles, afforded the favourable opportunity for dispersing them, and introducing in their place, another description of men, newmodelled and armed, under the novel name of yeomanry. The experiment was tried on the Goldsmith's corps. Previous to their hour of assembling, at their usual parade, in St. Michaela-Pole's, Ship-street, on the 27th, a body of foot entered the Castle from the Barrack, two pieces of cannon were prepared in the ordnance-yard, and a company of the Royal Irish Artillery. The Volunteers, as soon as they had mustered, were surrounded by horse and foot; the magistrate entered, and ordered them to lay down their arms, The order was obeyed. Their arms were