of Washington. Fortunately, the original note of Henry, and the account of Jefferson, enable us to form a perfectly correct, as well as singularly clear and distinct, notion of this thrilling scene. Jefferson standing as a listener at the door of the House of Burgesses, and imbibing, from the "torrents of Henry's sublime eloquence," the patriotic inspiration, which was destined, only ten years afterwards, to glow in his own draft of the Declaration of Independence, would furnish a noble subject for the historical painter, and one which would open plainly to the eye some of the powerful, but then hidden, springs of the coming revolution.

Of the speech or speeches made by Henry in this debate, there is no satisfactory record. Burk, in his History, gives what purports to be his speech; but it is the mere outline of an argument, resting, probably, on recollection, with the exception of a single passage at the close, the correctness of which is well authenticated, and which contributed greatly, at the time, by giving effect and poignancy to the whole speech, to produce the desired result. According to this outline, Henry considered the pretence of the ministry to raise a revenue in this country as conflicting with the colonial charters, with the rights of the people as British subjects, and with their natural rights as men. At the close, he

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dwelt upon the danger to which the king himself would be exposed, in pursuing his present course. "Cæsar," said he, "had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and George the Third At this moment, the orator paused, as if in doubt how to finish the sentence. The natural termination seemed, of course, to be, that George the Third would come, like them, to a violent end; and the members opposed to Henry immediately raised a loud cry of "Treason, treason," in all parts of the house. Henry, in no way disconcerted, but appearing, on the contrary, to gather new power from the excitement of the scene, assumed a more erect position, and, fastening his eagle eye upon the speaker, the same John Robinson, whose corrupt plans he had so signally baffled a few days before, added, in the most appropriate emphasis, as the closing words of the phrase, "may profit by their example." He then paused again, for some seconds, and finally subjoined, as a sort of commentary on the outcry that had just occurred, "If this be treason, make the most of it."

Such was the first appearance of Henry as an orator on purely political topics; and it is a rather singular circumstance, that, in this department, as in that of legal practice, no subsequent effort seems to have surpassed, or even quite 18

VOL. I.

equalled, in immediate effect, the first. His speech in the Continental Congress, soon after its organization, called forth the strongest admiration; many of his speeches in the Virginia Convention, on the federal constitution, were received with unbounded enthusiasm, and produced very extraordinary results. His argument

in the British Debt case, which occupied three days, is analyzed at great length by Mr. Wirt, and dwelt upon as a sort of masterpiece. But, even at the present time, a Virginian, who is requested to mention the leading titles of Henry's glory, appeals, without hesitation, to the speeches on the Stamp Act and the Parsons' Cause. The peculiar circumstances attending each of these cases may have contributed something to give them their comparative importance; but, independently of any other cause, there is a certain freshness in the first efforts of a powerful mind, which gives them an advantage over those of later years, that, on careful analysis, may appear, as works of science and art, fully equal, if not superior.

It is remarked by Lord Byron, in one of his private memoranda or letters, that he awoke one morning and found himself famous. Henry had taken his seat in the Assembly, notwithstanding the eclat of the Parsons' Cause, a still comparatively obscure country attorney, at best a rising

lawyer of great promise. He returned to his home, three or four weeks after, by universal acknowledgment, the first statesman and orator in Virginia.

CHAPTER IV.

Repeal of the Stamp Act. Henry elected to the Continental Congress. - Speech in the Virginia Convention.

THE unfortunate measure, which had produced such a ferment throughout the colonies, and which exercised so important an influence on their relations with the mother country, was destined itself to be of short duration. Within a year after the passage of the stamp act, a change took place in the administration of the British government. The Grenville cabinet, in which the tory influence predominated, was compelled to retire; and a new one was formed, on whig principles, under the direction of the Marquis of Rockingham. It was on this occasion that Burke, who had previously been private secretary to the marquis, took his seat in Par-. liament. It may be proper to remark, that,

although the Grenville administration was ostensibly responsible for the passage of the stamp act, Mr. Grenville himself is said to have been individually averse to it, and to have proposed it very unwillingly, in compliance with the positive command of the king, who was the real author of the measure. However this may be, the new ministry, who, as members of Parliament, had opposed the adoption of this policy, very naturally evinced a disposition to recede from it. The speech from the throne, at the opening of the session, breathed a conciliatory spirit in regard to America; and, in the debate upon it in the House of Commons, Mr. Pitt attacked the policy of the late administration with great power. A bill was introduced, soon after, for the repeal of the stamp act, which, though strongly opposed, passed the two Houses by large majorities, and became a law. At the same time, another law was passed, declaratory of the right of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever.

This prompt and apparently good-humored retreat from the course, which had been so injudiciously entered upon, gave entire satisfaction throughout the colonies, and restored for a moment the cordial feeling towards the mother country, that prevailed at the close of the war. Public rejoicings, including expressions of the