give repose to the bleeding, gasping land, and to extinguish the Irish nationality. By the end of the month the rebellion was over, except where (as in Kildare and Wicklow) small bands of insurgents still held out for terms; and on the 29th, the first overture of peace was made in a viceregal proclamation, "Authorising his Majesty's generals to give pro"tection to such insurgents as, being simply guilty of rebellion, should, "within fourteen days, surrender their arms, desert their leaders, abjure all “unlawful engagements, and take the oath of allegiance to the king."

CHAPTER XV.

PRISONERS AND CONVICTS-THE BROTHERS SHEARES-AMNESTY COM

PACT-FORT GEORGE.

WHEN the general suppression of the rebellion gave the ministers leisure and breathing-time to resume the ordinary business of government, the first thing that occupied their attention was the disposal of the state prisoners, now including nearly every one of the United Irish leaders. The trials began with HENRY and JOHN SHEARES, whose case, as characteristically illustrative of the temper of the times, deserves to be given more at length than the purpose and limits of this history will allow with regard to the prosecutions which followed.

Henry and John Sheares were barristers by profession, gentlemen by birth and character; beloved and honoured in the sphere of society in which they moved, and of good repute for all the domestic and civic virtues. In temperament these brothers were totally unlike each other, though closely united in affection. The elder was fond of society, and fitted to shine in it; of an open, easy, pleasure-loving nature; luxurious in his habits, expensive and showy in his tastes; proud and impetuous in manner, but of a generous disposition; by nature a liberal, good-hearted aristocrat, though fond of talking about republicanism. John Sheares was a reading, thinking man; intense, earnest, and concentrated. He lived simply and cheaply, "bought nothing but books"-was, in his whole way of being and thinking, an enthusiastic republican.* The generous and just dispositions of the brothers made them political reformers; a visit to

* Dr. Madden (vol. ii., p. 118 et seq.) gives the following account of the brothers, from the reminiscences of a lady recently deceased, of the name of Maria Steele; a name, he informs us, which "will be associated with that of John Sheares, as that of Amelia Curran is with Robert Emmet's :"

"Both the brothers had been United Irishmen more than a year when I first knew them, in 1794; and they attended the meetings of that society, as many others then did. A speech that was made at one of those meetings gave Lord Clare an opportunity of speaking disrespectfully of them in the House of Lords, the consequence of which was a demand for an explanation from the eldest. They had become United Irishmen at the same time; but there was nothing legally criminal in their proceedings till 1798. *** "Henry lived beyond his income; his affairs were somewhat embarrassed, and he sold a part of his property; he also borrowed a good deal from John, who at one time wished to reside apart from his brother, but could not on that account. He was successful at the bar, till the Chancellor became the enemy of the brothers. Lord Clare's

Paris in 1792, when they became acquainted with Roland, Brissot, and other men of the revolution, made them agitators. They came home, and joined the Dublin Society of United Irishmen, over whose meetings we enmity was chiefly against Henry. John had no quarrel with him; but on their conviction, it is said, he could not be spared and Henry put to death. After Henry's correspondence with the Chancellor, he prevented them from doing business in his court as lawyers. John then became exasperated, and spoke more severely of him than he had done before, on account of his politics. He always thought him an enemy to Ireland. When I knew the brothers, in 1794, they had been at the bar some time, and lived together in Henry Sheares's house, in Bagot-street.

"Henry Sheares was naturally high-spirited, eloquent in discourse, and possessed of a remarkably martial and noble bearing; but his great hauteur and want of discretion would have made him a bad leader in any public cause. In his domestic relations he was warm, tender, indulgent; willing to promote every present amusement, but wanting calculation and foresight for the future. I have always heard he was a fair scholar; and have heard good judges say that they had never seen library so admirably selected as that of the Sheares's. Henry was not considered so deeply read as John. He did not give so much time to study, but he never appeared deficient in company, either with the learned, or with those whose reading lay more amongst works of imagination and modern literature. He spoke with great fluency and elegance on literary subjects, but not without a degree of characteristic pride. His disposition was most generous; but he was not patient or forbearing. He would have made a good despot, if there can be such a thing. He spoke with much violence at times, even in society; but though haughty, and sometimes fierce, he was not of a cruel temper. He used to talk of republicanism, but he was formed for courts-he loved power, and splendour, and luxury. The self-denying virtues he knew not. He was, however, an accomplished gentleman, fond of society, and capable of adding lustre to the most brilliant circle.

"When I first became acquainted with the brothers, in 1794, I heard that John was six-and-twenty, and Henry about five-and-thirty. The latter looked a great deal older than his brother. John was considered greatly superior to his brother in talents. My intimacy with him commenced in 1794; at that time he was in the habit of attending the meetings of the United Irishmen. He was a firm republican in his principles, but was a stranger to violence of any kind, till his mind was overwhelmed. His character seemed changed after Christmas, 1797; he was very desirous then to leave Ireland.

"In regard to the proclamation found in his desk, I believe he was the writer of it; though that was never fully proved. At the time when it was supposed to have been written, he appeared so altered, that those who used to delight in listening to him would scarce know him. His mind seemed to have lost its balance. Even his dress was not the same-his hair was neglected, &c. &c. In March, 1798, he became a member of the Directory, and then first took any active part in the rebellion. I do not think he desired a revolution, till at a very late period of the struggle. In becoming a United Irishman, his views were-like those of all the educated and honourable persons of the society-Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform. At first there were more Protestants than Roman Catholics engaged in it; and much more in the north than any other quarter of the kingdom;-it was latterly that it became a religious struggle. I might say that John Sheares was naturally inclined to republicanism; but he afterwards thought that Roman Catholics were not suited for republican institutions. He used to laugh at titles, and make little of grandeur; and, with respect to resistance, he thought no war justifiable but a defensive one. His characteristic qualities were benevolence and filial and fraternal affection-a love of his fellow-creatures, and an anxiety to befriend them. As a son, as a brother, as a friend, I have never seen him surpassed. *

* *

"The brothers loved one another with extraordinary affection; and yet they were very different in their tastes and sentiments. Henry talked about republicanism, but John was an enthusiast in his attachment to it; all his habits of thinking tended that way. It suited the simplicity of his character, and the total absence of vanity that distinguished him; but he often said it would not do for Ireland.

"In his person he differed strikingly from his brother. His air was gentle and unassuming, but animated and interesting. You ask, was he of a sanguinary disposition? He was quite the reverse: he had a most tender heart, and benevolent disposition. While he was himself, he would not give pain of mind or body to anything that lived."

find them occasionally presiding in the course of the year 1793. It does not appear, however, that they carried agitation the length of conspiracy until 1798; when, on the arrests of the 12th of March, the Union was saved from the instant and utter disorganisation which menaced it, by John Sheares assuming the vacant directorate. Of his utter unfitness for

the post-rash, boastful, garrulous as he was, at a time when not all the dissimulation of a Borgia and caution of a William the Silent could have saved the conspiracy from eventful wreck and ruin-we have already had a specimen.* It can occasion no surprise that such a conspirator fell an easy prey to the spy and informer. The history of his and his brother's betrayal, which we proceed to give as it appeared in evidence on their trial, is an apt and compendious illustration of the morality of the Clare-and Castlereagh government and the agents whom it employed and patronised, and at the same time most instructively shows the inherent weakness and peril of secresy in political organisation.

On the 10th of May, Captain JOHN WARNEFORD ARMSTRONG,† of the King's County Militia, then stationed with a company of his regiment at Lehaunstown (or Loughlinstown) camp, near the metropolis, came into Dublin, and made an apparently casual call at the shop of a Mr. Byrne, a bookseller, in Grafton Street. This Byrne was a United Irishman of high standing in the society, dealt largely in ultra-liberal publications, both political and theological, and his establishment was a kind of literary headquarters, or general gossip-mart, for the patriot leaders. Armstrong was well known to Byrne-at least, so the latter thought. He had been a regular customer and constant visitor at the shop almost every day for two years, and was a diligent purchaser of " every political pamphlet as it came out, and other books he fancied." His "fancies" were very liberal and comprehensive, extending to the "Rights of Man" and the "Age of Reason." In the course of conversation on this 10th of May, a wish was expressed by the one, and reciprocated by the other, that Byrne should take an early opportunity of introducing Armstrong to the brothers Sheares.‡

Immediately on leaving Byrne's, Armstrong went to his brother-officer and particular friend, Captain Clibborn, informed him of what had passed, and asked his advice. Clibborn's advice was that the offer of an introduction to the brothers should be accepted. Armstrong lost no time; he returned to Byrne's that same day, and remained there till Henry Sheares arrived. The introduction then took place. Byrne opened a door leading into a private room behind his shop, presuming that the new friends might "have a mind to chat," and smoothed the way to confidential intercourse with- -"All I can say to you, Mr. Sheares, is that Captain Armstrong is a true brother, and you may depend upon him."

Henry Sheares, however, had not " a mind to chat." He met the Captain's overtures with the answer, that "what he wanted to say he wished to say in the presence of his brother." Armstrong obligingly replied, that " he had no objection to wait till his brother came.” But Sheares declined

*See page 152.

† We learn from Dr. Madden (vol. ii., p. 113) that this gentleman is still living, "and has long been distinguished for his zeal and activity in the magisterial office."

In his direct examination, Armstrong makes it appear that the introduction was proposed by Byrne. His cross-examination on this point elicited the significant answer-"I do not know with whom the wish originated."

waiting, and left the shop. Shortly afterwards John Sheares arrived, and the ceremony of introduction was repeated, "pretty much in the same manner as before." The following conversation was then held in the inner room, with closed doors (we quote from Ridgeway's Report of the Trial):

“John said, he knew my principles very well; that he was emboldened by that knowledge, and the pressure of events induced him, for the good of the cause, to make himself known to me, and to show me how the cause could be benefited by my joining the cause in action, as he knew I had by inclination. I told him, I was ready to do everything in my power for it.

66

Meaning the cause?—Yes; and that if he would show me how I could do anything, I would serve him to the utmost of my power.

"Did he state to you in what manner you could serve this cause to which he thus alluded?—He said, that as I was willing to serve it, he would tell me at once what I could do. He told me that the rising was very near; that they could not wait for the French, but had determined upon a home exertion; and that the principal manner in which I could assist them was by seducing the soldiers, and bringing about the King's County Militia; and consulting with him about taking the camp.

66

Court: What camp ?-The camp at Lehaunstown, I understood, where I was quartered. And that, for the purpose of bringing about the soldiers, he would recommend me to endeavour to practise upon the noncommissioned officers and privates, who were of the Roman Catholic religion, as they were most likely to think themselves aggrieved. I do not recollect anything more of the conversation that day, except our appointment to meet the Sunday following."

The appointment was faithfully kept on the Captain's part. On the morning of Sunday, the 13th of May, he went to the Sheares's house in Bagot Street. Henry only was at home. The suspicions of the latter had, it would seem, by this time been removed: he apologised to Armstrong for having so abruptly left him on the occasion of their first meeting, "for that there was a committee sitting, which it was necessary that either he or his brother should attend." A confidential conversation then ensued. “He asked me as to the state of the regiment, and the situation of the camp; where it was most vulnerable, and the number of troops stationed there. He questioned me as to the possibility of taking it by storm, or by treachery, or by using the counter-sign, or something of that kind." Presently, the younger brother came in, and these perilous confidences were carried still further. John Sheares informed Armstrong that" it was their intention to seize the camp, the artillery at Chapelizod, and the city of Dublin, in one night; there was to be one hour and a half between the seizing of the camp and Dublin, and an hour between seizing Dublin and Chapelizod, so that the news of both might arrive at the same time." He spoke of the importance of gaining over the soldiers, and solicited Armstrong's services with the men of the King's County regiment. The informer's reply was-" He should be afraid to commit himself with any of

*Howell's "Collection of State Trials," vol. xxvii.

them; but if he knew them, he should then do what he could in concert with them.” Another appointment was made, and another interview was held late that night, for the purpose of giving Armstrong the names of some men in his regiment whose co-operation might be depended on.

The Captain was indefatigable in his attentions to his new friends. Twice on the Wednesday following, twice again on the Thursday, he repeated his visits in Bagot-street, returning in the intervals to Lehaunstown camp, communicating everything that passed to Colonel L'Estrange and Captain Clibborn-sometimes to Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Cooke-and taking their instructions as to his further proceedings.* On Sunday, the 20th, he paid his final visit to the brothers; obtained full particulars as to the plan of the Dublin rising, the intended seizure of the Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council, &c.; received a promise from the Executive Directory of a colonelcy in the rebel army; and was considerately "recommended" by Henry Sheares "to be cautious; for that he and his brother had escaped by their caution, for government then thought them inactive." The next morning the brothers were arrested, and lodged in Kilmainham gaol.

Even yet the informer was not quite satisfied; nor was the faith of his victims shaken. "Other informers," says the biographer of the United Irishmen, “when they have once wormed themselves into the confidence of their victims, and have possessed themselves sufficiently of their secrets to bring them to the scaffold, rest from their labours, and spare themselves the unnecessary annoyance, perhaps a feeling of remorse, at beholding the unfortunate wretches they have deceived, when they are fairly in their toils and delivered over to the proper authorities. In Ireland, there is no such squeamishness in the breasts of our informers." A few hours after the arrest, John Sheares received, in the Castle guard-room, a visit of friendship and condolence from his betrayer. The prisoner asked "if his brother was taken;" to which Armstrong replied, “I do not know." He anxiously inquired "if his papers were seized," and was again answered, "I do not know." Sheares said "he hoped not, for there was one among them that would commit him."

The dangerous paper here alluded to, which was much relied on by the crown at the trial as an overt act of treason, was a certain proclamation, designed for use in the anticipated event of the insurrection proving successful. It was, without question, a violent and infuriated production; breathing out threatenings and slaughter, war and vengeance, at a most vehement rate, against the oppressors of Ireland. We may best characterise it by saying, that its words are almost as sanguinary and vindictive as the every-day deeds of the detestable government which was making wise men mad, and good men savage. This document was found, in a scrawled and unfinished state, in John Sheares's writing desk. It was in his handwriting; and not a particle of proof was adduced, direct or circumstantial,

*He says, in his evidence" I never had an interview with the Messrs. Sheares that I had not one with Colonel L'Estrange and Captain Clibborn, and my Lord Castlereagh." +"Captain Armstrong did not think it necessary to state, that at his Sunday's interview he shared the hospitality of his victims; that he dined with them, sat in the company of their aged mother and affectionate sister, enjoyed the society of the accomplished wife of one of them, caressed his infant children; and on another occasion (referred to by Miss Steele) was entertained with music, the wife of the unfortunate man, whose children he was to leave in a few days fatherless, playing on the harp for his entertainment!"--Madden.