nation form more horrible than to will, his person is sacred. Suppose be prevented from speaking in a ruffian ruler to be coming with behalf of his oppressed country. a band of adherents to cut off my men and in his own behalf, while nose and put out my eyes, after he sees a wretched caitiff reward- having done the like to all the ed, pampered, honoured for speak-persons in the neighbourhood, ing on the other side? What can must I not kill them, or any of be more provoking than this?them, in order to defend myself? What in all the world can be more Would it not be monstrous to hold likely to urge a man on to despe- a doctrine like this? rate deeds? And, what, then, there so very astonishing in the conduct of an enthusiastic youth, who saw in the slavish KOTES UE a man employed, rewarded, pampered, honoured for his services in the cause of hostility to German freedom, while the youth himself would have been put to death, if he had published truth in answer to this pampered caitiff?

Whether, therefore, SANDT did right or wrong depends upon three things: did oppression exist in Germany: was KOTESBUE an instrument in the carrying on of this oppression: did SANDT possess no other means of doing away KOTESBUE's instrumentality? Ìf all these be answered in the affirmative, and if SANDT was a member of the oppressed community; then he had as great and perfect a right to kill KOTESBUE, as the English had to make war against James the Second and to kill his adherents. So that, perhaps, the COURIER might as well avoid, another time, dwelling so largely

against "assassination" as long as he will, the mass of the people will never believe, that oppressors are to go unpunished, though a whole people perish from their oppressions.

So far am I from wishing to blink this matter, that I say, that, if oppression exist in Germany, and if KOTESBUE was a voluntary instrument in that oppression, SANDT had a right to kill him, not only according to the law of reason and of nature; but accord-on a like subject; for, cry out ing to the laws and usages of England. The present family sits on the throne on this principle, and on no other. James the Second was alledged to be an oppressor. On that ground, and no other, was war made against him. Many of his adherents were killed in the field, violently with arms. Many others were put coolly to death on the charge of adhering to him. Either these were murders, or, to adopt the fashionable cant, assassinations, or it is right to kill any oppressor and his adherents, whenever we can do it.

Nor is the frightened Taylor more fortunate in his complaint against those, who put forth such opinions as the above, and who do not act on them. What, then, are we never to say, that a thing ought to be done, or may justifiably be done, unless we do the thing ourselves? At this rate, nobody but those who labour in the fields must advise others to do it. Nobody but soldiers and sailors must recommend war. The Doctors must take part of every dose they prescribe: and, harder

But, indeed, to contend, that no man has, under any circumstances, aright to kill a ruler, or his adherents, is nothing short of say. ing, that oppression is of right divine; that a ruler do what he still

1.

the Parsons must practice

could possibly be more noble and generous. He killed KOTESBUE upon public grounds solely. He did it from a sense of duty, He did it with a certainty of the act costing him his own life. He did it most heroically declaring, that he was happy that he had donewhat he had done. If such a man be not a hero, I know not where we are to look for one. There is no man, Roman or other, has ever acted a more generous part. He gave his life for the good of his country, and what can any man do more? The reptile of Catherine Street calls SANDT a "fanatic." Faith, there appears to have been no fanaticism in his character. He had long deliberated upon what he was about to do. He had calmly brought himself to a conviction, that the loss of life was preferable to the suffering of the enemy of his country to live; and, thereupon he resolved on the deed.

sobriety, industry, and piety. If, indeed, a tyrant were to be slain, and if two persons, each equally able to do the deed and each having the same opportunity, one were to urge the other to do it, that other would naturally say; "no, do it yourself." But, to utter an opinion, that the thing may justifiably be done, imposes no duty on the utterer to do that thing. I say of the Puff-out, that it is the only speedy remedy for our complaints; that, if oppression exist in Eugland, it is right to put it in practice; but, must I, then, myself put it in practice? Or, if I do not, I must be a coward? There is nothing "dastardly" in the anonymous letters, sent to the hired knaves of the press. It may be useless, foolish, childish, to send such letters; but it can not be dastardly. The letters serve, however, to show, that there are some persons, who hold the miscreants in detestation, and that It is pleasing to find, that, even the thought, at least, of vengeance on the Continent, there is such a exists. These persons would not deep-rooted hatred of despotism. write secretly, if they dared write Eight hundred millions of Debt and publish their thoughts. It is have not been able to root out, the gag and the dungeon that pro then, those principles, which the vokes them, and well they may. Boroughmongers so much dreaded Put a stop to all printing, and then in 1792. They have pledged their there will be no base hirelings of estates in vain. They have gained the press. What provokes is, see-nothing but certain destruction. ing some free to say what they They have surrounded themselves please, while others are gagged.with an army, and there they are This is the sting that goads men continually in fear. Thus let them, on to revenge; and I really know until their fears be exchanged for of nothing in the couduct of our realities. English vagabonds that so much irritates one as to see an unbounded liberty given to their own hirelings of the press, while their scoundrel blacks of the Inns of Court are daily sitting in little hosts to pick out of other publica-Publisher of the Register. tions the grounds of persecution. As to the motives of SANDT and as to his whole conduct, nothing

The BROOM CORN is arrived, but it is too late to be sown this year. Those Gentlemen who have paid for some, to be sown this year will receive back their money on applying to the

It will, however, be equally good to
Sow next Spring, or seven years hente.
Directions for sowing will be given
with each packet.
Entered at Stationers' ball.

97], LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1819.

LETTER XI.

TO

HENRY HUNT, Esq.
On the Workings of the Borough-
mongers, relative to the Poor-
Laws.

North Hampstead, Long Island,
7th July, 1819.

MY DEAR HUNT,

[98

It is all of no use, however. It adds not one ounce to the food of, the labourer; and it is an addition in the quantity of food that is wanted. These fellows always proceed upon the ground, that the poor are to blame, somehow or other for their poverty; and that the measure to be adopted ought to be of a corrective kind. They ascribe the increase of the poorrates to the idleness, the drunken

ར་ ོ་

poor. They, therefore, set to work to match them; to be up with them; to out-wit them. Poverty is the mother of invention; and they will never succeed in this way.

My two last Registers related to the Paper-Money Tricks, which have recently been played. Next in perilous importance to the Boroughmongers is the subject of the Poor-Laws; or, rather, the PoorRates; about which they are, I perceive, very anxious. You remember, that, for years,ness, the some fault or other of the I was at work, vory frequently, to show the vagabonds the danger of this rock. When they used to be citing their imports and exports as proofs of prosperity, I always bid them look at the Poor-Rates. They would never listen. Now, however, they have found out, that the Poor-Rates are a something to be attended to. Only, as in most other cases, they appear to endeavour to avoid looking at the cause of the evil. They see it, when it comes staring them in the face. They look one step back, and that is all. And then, they

Never do they seem to imagine, that the increased poor-rates arise out of the effects of the Boroughmongers' wars against the freedom of France. Never do they seem to suppose, that the taxes, required by the Debt, the Army, the Half-Pay, the Sinecures, pensions and grants, are the cause of the increase of the poor-rates,

During the last winter, I, guessing what the wiseacres would be at in the by the parish, or began to rise, provided them with starve; and, if fed, they must be some Registers on the subject of fed by the parish, whether with the Paper-Bubble and on the Poor- their parents or not. There will, Laws. These, I see, would arrive indeed, be the pleasure of torment

purpose of economy. One of two things must take place; the chil

sing wharing, just as the sap dren must be fed

།

but, the Borougli-ruffians have more refind pleasures of this sort; and, therefore, I cannot see any end that the thing will answer.

Let us now hear a little of the notions of the wiseacres upon this subject. To be sure they do not say much; but, what they do say

The first measure is a new set

just in proper time. In my Lettering both parents and children; to MALTHUS, which must have been published about six weeks back, I proved to that impudent and illiterate Parson, that the Poor had some rights as well as the rich; but, I perceive, that STURGES (son of a Parson), who has been selected to frame new laws about the poor, has aban-is sufficient to show, that they doned MALTHUS's doctrine. For know not what they do. this I am sorry; for, I should have Jiked to see their Parsonships puttlement bill, according to which a ting the poor upon the footing of pauper is to claim relief in any the e law of nature. That would parish, where he may have simply have been an amusing thing. We resided a certain time, without any should then have seen, whether qualification as to the having John Chopstick, with his bill- rented property, or owned prohook, would not have been as able perty, in the parish. In short, as the Parson at seizing hold of a this law would make settlements dinner. There are few Parsons, depend wholly on residence, and especially in Hampshire, who can that residence to be optional with not play their part in a scramble; the party. As the law now stands, but, under the full operation of the every man is held to be chargelaw of nature, the ploughman and able, if at all, in the parish in coppice-cutters would certainly which he was born, unless he gain get the first cut of the bacon. a settlement elsewhere by annual servitude or by occupying lands or houses to a certain amount. These conditions are a check upon the inundations that might take place to the utter ruin of some parishes: Suppose, for instance, a small parish, consisting of a village, and of a couple or three farms. Suppose a canal to be making in the

STURGES, who appears to be sensible of this, has confined his endeavours to some pitiful palliatives, though one of them is sufficiently harsh in its nature: namely, the taking of children from their parents and keeping them elsewhere. This is unjust and cruel; but, that is all. It will answer no

said something upon this proposed
law; and it is worth while to see
what his notions were :—
"Mr. WESTERN was decidedly

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neighbourhood; a great house, like that of Radnor Castle, to be building; a temporary camp or barrack near the village; a great family coming to live in the parish," in favour of the principle of the having numerous grooms, garden-"Bill, its object being, as he uners, and so forth, and employing "derstood, to facilitate to the lamany out-labourers. Any of these "bourer, the means of carrying will produce an influx of inhabi-"his industry to the most advanta tants for the time of their duration.geous market, and ́ Ito to prevent Suppose them, then, at an end." his being torn from the place The canal finished; the castle" where he found it his interest or built; the camp gone'; the family "his happiness to reside. So far removed. Here is a pretty set of "the measure had his approbanew parishioners; and the parish" tion-it would render the inis ruined... quiry before the Magistrate If this scheme become a law," simple and easy of determinahow easy will it be for one parish" tion, and must necessarily put an to throw their burden on another!" end to a great deal of the exist、 Somewhere near the skirts of my "ing system of litigation, At the parish; but, in another parish, I" same time he was not prepared might, by first getting a little bit" to say, that it would not open of land, build numerous labourers' "other sources of litigation, and dwellings, and, by letting them "give rise to fresh difficulties in cheap to people born in my own "practice. He knew no satisfaeown" parish, speedily rid myself of them tory reason why the poor should all; and, if the thing become a "not be permitted, without the law, take my word for it, that a "forfeiture of any legal benefit, thousand times more litigation" to repair from one place to anthan ever will take place. "other, according to the demand And, in the case of manufactur-" for their labour. This, it might ing towns, the law must be wholly he urged, would be incompatible ruinous; for, when manufactures" with the system of affording pa flourish, hands are wanted. When "rochial relief; but he still looked they do not flourish, those hands" forward with hope to some ra become useless in those places."dical improvement of that sysThey may be of use in agriculture; " tem. It was a system most inbut, according to this law, the "jurious to the poor, and rendered pauper will have obtained a settle. "the wages which they received, ment, and the town must maintain "even with the addition of the him, without the possibility of set- "Poor Rates, a much more inadeting him to work.

Mr.WESTERN is reported to have

quate reward than they would "otherwise obtain. Many sug