have contemplated with astonishment and delight. From Egypt and Greece literature and science were conveyed to Rome; and here also flourished while Rome was free. But when those nations sunk under the yoke of foreign or domestic tyranny, oratory took flight, the tongue of eloquence was paralyzed, and fulsome panegyric succeeded to the animating declamations of patriotism: useful science declined and gradually yielded to absurd and frivolous speculations; and if polite literature and the fine arts lingered somewhat longer, it was because vanity and luxury still afforded them a feeble protection, and even they eventually perished in the wreck of liberty. It is an axiom in philosophy that similar causes, in similar circumstances, will produce similar effects; and this should lead us to look with jealousy and alarm upon every encroachment of monarchical power and ambition upon the rights and liberty of the people; for, as science and freedom walk hand in hand, the deprivation of the one, will inevitably be succeeded by the destruction of the other.

The second cause I conceive to be the imposition of creeds, rites and ceremonies, as a national religious establishment; the hiring a body of men to advocate this system; and the infliction of pains and penalties upon such as conscientiously refuse to support the one and to conform to the other.

plicit credit by the most awful denuaciations. I would appeal to the candour, to the reason of every one, whether such things can conduce to the advancement of knowledge; or whether, on the contrary, they have not a manifest tendency to retard or to overwhelm it? Virgilius was excommunicated by Pope Zachary, for asserting that there were antipodes! Who is ignorant of the persecution of Galileo, for teaching, what every school-boy now knows to be true, that the earth revolves round the sun? Should it be asserted that priests, in every age, have been the depositaries of learning, I will admit that, to a certain extent, this may be true; but they sought not to extend the circle of knowledge; it was their policy to confine it within their own limited sphere, and it was not until men ventured to turn from priests to reason, that the veil of ignorance was withdrawn. I trust that these remarks will not be construed into an attack upon the sacred principles of Christianity :

True religion

Is always mild, propitious, humble; Plays not the tyrant, plants no faith in blood,

Nor bears destruction on her chariot wheels;

But stoops to polish, succour and redress, And builds her grandeur on the public good.

War is the third great cause of the retardation of literature and science. What piles of learning have the destructive flames of war consumed! What monuments of art have perished under the grasp of military violence! Would we seek the trophies of military glory? Let us survey the splendid ruins of Palmyra-let us trace the site of Carthage-or let us panse for a moment over the wars which have so lately desolated the fairest countries in Europe. But we hear of the science of war and of military genius-miserable prostitution of terms! When future ages compare the inventions of a Vauban, a Congreve, or a Fulton, with the discoveries of a Franklin, a Priestley, or a Davy, the latter will be regarded with admiration and gratitude, while the former will be viewed with indignation and disgust. War, independent of its demoralizing qualities, must ever be the enemy of literature

and I challenge its advocates to point out one branch of science, or the useful arts, which it has improved.

These appear to be the principal causes of the comparatively small progress which knowledge has hitherto made. These causes still exist, but some of them with diminished energy: there is, besides, a great alteration in the circumstances of the times. Knowledge, instead of being confined to the few, has, by means of the invention of printing, become diffused among the multitude, and is proceeding with rapid = acceleration. As men become wise they will become virtuous. Kings and priests shall no longer retain an oppressive power over the persons and minds of their fellow-men-war shall be no more heard of, and knowledge and goodness shall cover the earth as the waters cover the face of the deep. J. W. FAIRBRIDGE.

SIR,

SINC

Bridport,

October 10, 1820. INCE writing the comments on the Holy Alliance, (pp. 533-536,) some additional reflections on this extraordinary Treaty having occurred to me, I have sent them for insertion, if you approve, in the same liberal publication. It seems to be a commonlyreceived maxim among enlightened politicians, that no foreign power has a right to interfere with the sovereign of an independent nation, in the internal concerns of the state over which he presides. This is certainly true with respect to a hostile interference. The principles of the Holy Alliance, however, make it obligatory on its members to interfere in the mode of giving friendly counsel to any brother of the crown, who in their view is pursuing measures which tend to bring disgrace on royalty, and to prove detrimental to the just rights, the peace and happiness of his people. This is sanctioned by the precepts of Christianity, which they solemnly engage for the future to adopt as the rules of their government, and which they declare, "far from being applicable only to private concerns, must have an immediate influence on the councils of princes, and guide all their steps." I look, therefore, into the records of the Christian religion, their newly-adopted code of laws, and read thus: Heb, iii.

13: Exhort one another daily. Thess. v. 14: Warn them that are unruly. Gal. vi. 1: If a man be overtaken in a fault, ye which are spiritual restore such a one in the spirit of meekness.-The sovereigns, therefore, associated on Christian principles, are bound, by the ties of this religion of love, to assist one another by seasonable advice, to exhort, to warn, and even to reprore, when occasion requires. Thus they declare," the sole principle in force, whether between the said governments, or between their subjects, shall be that of doing each other reciprocal service, and of testifying, by unalterable good-will, the mutual affection with which they ought to be animated, to consider themselves all as members of one and the same Christian nation.”

It is asserted in the newspapers, that there is to be a meeting of some of the sovereigns of Europe this month, to consider, among other things, what the terms of the Holy Alliance may require of them respecting the late revolution in Spain. The two documents from the Court of St. Petersburg, which have directed my attention to this professedly Christian Treaty, render the report very probable. This is a critical and awful period, as on the decision of this meeting may depend the continuance of peace or the renewal of war, with all its appalling horrors. The result of its deliberations will be, it is likely, an address to King Ferdinand, on the recent events which have taken place in his dominions. Of the nature and complexion of this document, I would not presume to conjecture. On considering, however, the late and present state of Spain, and the apparent spirit and requirements of the Holy Alliance, I have presumed, though an obscure individual, to draw up an address, but that one to this purport will be sent by these royal Christian brethren, is more an object of my ardent wishes, than of any sanguine hopes.

"Brother Ferdinand,

"In the spirit of the benevolent religion of Jesus Christ we profess, and of the sacred Treaty called the Holy Alliance to which we have subscribed, we think it incumbent upon us to address you, with the purpose of assisting you by our counsels in the discharge of the difficult and important

duties which have devolved on you; and if we revert to past errors in your administration, it is with the friendly view to guard you against them for the future. It was with feelings of deep concern and painful regret, we were made acquainted with your harsh and ungrateful treatment of the Cortes, who had nobly preserved the crown of Spain to present to you under a constitution approved by the people, and sanctioned by the sovereigns of Europe. This constitution you rejected, and recompensed the national representatives for their services, with imprisonment, exile and death. You hereby involved yourself and your country in the most perplexing difficulties and threatening dangers. The result of your conduct might naturally have been expected, and it was such as wore the most frightful aspect. A general spirit of discontent pervaded all classes of the people, extending to the military, and the utmost abhorrence was felt towards a government which turned a deaf ear to their groans and remonstrances, and was totally regardless of their just rights and liberties. We learn from the instructive pages both of ancient and modern history, that it is the misfortune of princes to have flatterers about the throne, who endeavour to keep from their knowledge the distresses, wants and wishes of their subjects, and in the most critical circumstances speak nothing but smooth things, saying, 'Peace, peace,' when there is no peace, till often sudden and unexpected destruction cometh upon them, and they cannot escape.

"Brother Ferdinand, you have been misled by evil councillors, by priests and monks, who in general are advocates for arbitrary principles, and have no feeling sense of the people's rights. Are you, therefore, to be surprised that your subjects, reduced by misgovernment to the extremest misery, and having no prospect of alleviation of the evils they endured, and of the yoke of oppression under which they groaned, should at length rouse themselves, and seek for redress by their own exertions? Let us be persuaded that the people have rights bestowed on them by the Common Parent of mankind, and which we cannot infringe but by flagrant acts of injustice. In propor tion as the darkness of former ages is

dissipated, and the light of political and religious truth is diffused, they become acquainted with their rights; if withheld, they lay claim to them; and should we sovereigns obstinately persist in refusing to concur with them in the establishment of these rights, we may raise such a storm in the state, as with irresistible force will overturn our splendid thrones, and lay our boasted honours in the dust. The crown of the monarch who tramples under feet the liberties of those he governs, and does not reign in the hearts of the people, sits lightly on his head, and is in danger of being blown off by the first political breeze. In this critical situation stood your Majesty. With trembling anxiety we saw you, Brother Ferdinand, on the brink of ruin. We would readily have apprized you of your danger, and of the only means of safety, but knew that before our warning voice could have reached your ears, your fate would be decided. The military had taken the lead in redressing the people's wrongs, and a few days more of delay to fulfil the wishes of your subjects, would probably have proved fatal to your crown and dignity, if not to your life. The truth at length could no longer be kept from you, and your eyes were opened to see your perilous situation and that of your country. In this awful juncture, you took the only method which remained to avert the destructive storm, and to guide the vessel of the state into a safe port. You adopted the constitution of 1812, and solemnly engaged to maintain it. From that moment the most threatening danger was exchanged for personal security. The errors of your past misgovernment seemed to be immediately forgotten. The sceptre was permitted to remain in your hands. The most rapturous joy was diffused among your people, who hailed you as their deliverer. You restored the Cortes to their former functions, and you have ever since wisely given every possible proof of fidelity to your engagements.

"In the spirit of Christian love we counsel you to persevere in co-operating with the national representatives in those measures which it may be deemed expedient to adopt, in order to deliver your country out of its present difficulties, and to promote the permanent establishment of the just

rights, the prosperity and happiness of all classes of the community. Let us remember, Brother Ferdinand, that the exalted office in society which we sustain as sovereigns, brings with it arduous duties to be performed, on the proper discharge of which may depend the happiness of millions, and incurs a most awful responsibility. Though exalted in rank above our fellow-men, to keep us humble we should never forget that we are equally dependent on a Superior Power, and equally liable to afflictions and death, with the meanest of our subjects. To make us faithful and diligent in the important trust committed to us, we are to consider ourselves as stewards accountable to our people, for whose good we are bound to use our authority, to the present and future generations of mankind, who will sit in judgment over our conduct, and more especially to God, the Sovereign King of kings and Lord of lords, whose power is irresistible, and whose justice none can evade.

"We have thus addressed you, Brother Ferdinand, with simplicity and godly sincerity, agreeably to the pious and benevolent religion of Jesus Christ we profess, and the principles of the Sacred Alliance which we have solemnly engaged to observe, and hoping that you will profit by our friendly counsels, and that your government will be regulated by the precepts of justice, Christian charity and peace, we pray the God of wisdom and of grace to take you under his holy keeping."

From the complexion of the two extraordinary Notes which have recently proceeded from the Court of St. Petersburg, respecting the revolution in Spain, there seems reason to fear that sentiments will be expressed by the royal members of the Holy Alliance, very different from those contained in the above address. Should, however, a hostile interference be contemplated to overturn the constitution of 1812, which the coalesced sovereigns themselves sanctioned, the responsibility will rest with them, for all the dreadful evils which may ensue. Deliberations, it is said, are to be held by them for repressing the revolutionary spirit in Europe. Remonstrances, threats and military force would, it is probable, only give it greater energy and a wider spread. There is but one

method sanctioned by reason and religion which will effectually answer the purpose, and that is, for each sovereign whose subjects are restless and discontented, immediately to institute a close and diligent examination into their grievances, and redress them, (to the extent of human power and wisdom,) co-operating with them in forming a representative government favourable to their just rights. In this case, if a judgment can be formed from recent events, his throne would remain, and acquire additional security, by being established in the affections of those he governs, and his sceptre additional dignity, by being wielded over a free and contented people!

I crave your indulgence, Mr. Editor, for one remark more, justified by the late history of Europe; it is this, that abuses and corruptions and wasting expenditure, if not corrected in time, will impose an intolerable burden on the nation, and produce such dire convulsions in the state, as it is the wish and endeavour of all true patriots, the friends of liberty, peace and good order, by seasonable and gradual reforms, to prevent.

SIR,

T. HOWE.

Colyton,
September 25, 1820.

IF convenient, permit me to recommend to congregational and reading societies in search of religious truth, "Dr. Jortin's Discourses concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion." Being not a large octavo volume, it may be procured at a moderate price, and is full of excellent matter. Some extracts might be very acceptable to the readers of the Monthly Repository or the Christian Reformer. A quotation from pp. 88-93, would convince the friends of reform, that the opposition to their endeavours very probably arises from the same cause which hindered numbers in the apostolic age from making an open profession of Christianity itself. The prejudices of education bias the mind exceedingly, often insensibly. When great temporal advantages are annexed to a particular outward conformity to what was taught in early life, virtuous and pious resolutions are necessary to form a complete, consistent, pious convert.

Mr. Wilks's eloquent speech, recorded in the Mon. Repos. for June,