to break up

courtiers represented that the king was inthralled by the dominant party, which had become superior to the throne itself, and that in order to recover his just prerogative. it His attempts was necessary to break up the combination. But parties. what was this in effect but to assert that the king should now be his own minister? that ministers should be chosen, not because they had the confidence of Parliament and the country, but because they were agreeable to himself, and willing to carry out his policy? - And this was the true object of the king. It will be seen that when ministers, not of his own choice, were in office, he plotted against them and overthrew them; and when he had succeeded in establishing his friends in office, he enforced upon them the adoption of his own policy.

Danger of the

The king's tactics were fraught with danger, as well to the Crown itself, as to the constitutional liberties of king's tactics. the people; but his personal conduct and character have sometimes been judged with too much severity. That he was too fond of power for a constitutional monarch, none will now be found to deny that he sometimes resorted to crafty expedients, unworthy of a king, even his admirers must admit. With a narrow understanding, and obstinate prejudices, he was yet patriotic in his feelings, and labored, earnestly and honestly, for the good government of his country. If he loved power, he did not shrink from its cares and toil. If he delighted in being the active ruler of his people, he devoted himself to affairs of state, even more laboriously than his ministers. If he was jealous of the authority of the Crown, he was not less jealous of the honor and greatness of his people. A just recognition of the personal merits of the king himself, enables us to judge more freely of the con stitutional tendency and results of his policy.

To revert to a polity under which kings had governed, and ministers had executed their orders, was in itself a dangerous retrogression in the principles of constitutional gov ernment. If the Crown, and not its ministers, governed,

how could the former do no wrong, and the latter be responsible? If ministers were content to accept responsibility without power, the Crown could not escape its share of blame. Hence the chief safeguard of the monarchy was endangered. But the liberties of the people were exposed to greater peril than the Crown. Power proceeding from the king, and exercised by himself in person, is irreconcilable with popular government. It constitutes the main distinction between an absolute, and a constitutional monarchy. The best and most enlightened of kings, governing from above, will press his own policy upon his subjects. Choosing his ministers from considerations personal to himself, directing their acts, - upholding them as his own servants, resenting attacks upon them as disrespectful to himself, committed to their measures, and resolved to enforce viewing men and things from the elevation of a court, instead of sharing the interests and sympathies of the people, how can he act in harmony with popular influences?

them,

The system of government which George III. found in operation, was indeed imperfect. The influence of the Crown, as exercised by ministers, prevailed over the more popular elements of the constitution. The great nobles were too powerful. A Parliament, without adequate representation of the people, and uncontrolled by public opinion, was generally subservient to the ministers: but with all its defects, it was still a popular institution. If not freely elected by the people, it was yet composed of men belonging to various classes of society, and sharing their interests and feelings. The statesmen, who were able by their talents and influence to command its confidence, became the ministers of the Crown; and power thus proceeded from below, instead of from above. The country was governed by its ablest men, and not by favorites of the court. The proper authority of Parliament was recognized, and nothing was wanting in the theory of constitutional government, but an

improved constitution of Parliament itself. This system, however, the king was determined to subvert. He was jealous of ministers who derived their authority from Parliament rather than from himself, and of the parliamentary organization which controlled his power. The policy which he adopted, and its results, are among the most critical events in the history of the Crown.

ened at the

tion.

The dissolution of Parliament, shortly after his accession, afforded an opportunity of strengthening the King's interest strength- parliamentary connection of the king's friends. general elec- Parliament was kept sitting while the king and Lord Bute were making out lists of the court candidates, and using every exertion to secure their return. The king not only wrested government boroughs from the ministers, in order to nominate his own friends, but even encouraged opposition to such ministers as he conceived not to be in his interest.1

At the meeting at the cockpit, the night before the assembling of the new Parliament, to hear the king's speech read, and to agree upon the choice of a speaker, not only the Whigs and parliamentary supporters of the government attended; but also the old Tories in a strong body, though without any invitation from the ministers.2 The speaker selected by Lord Bute was Sir John Cust, a country gentleman and a Tory.

Lord Bute, the originator of the new policy, was not perMeasures tak-sonally well qualified for its successful promotion. He was not connected with the great families who had acquired a preponderance of political influ

en to break

up the ministry.

1 The Duke of Newcastle thus wrote at this time to Lord Rockingham:· "My Lord Anson has received orders from the king himself to declare to the docks (at Portsmouth) that they may vote for whom they please at the Hampshire election, even though the Chancellor of the Exchequer is a candidate." Lord Bute complained to the First Lord of the Admiralty, that he had disposed of the Admiralty boroughs without acquainting the king. - · Dedington's Diary, 433; Rockingham Mem., i. 61-64.

2 Rockingham Mem., i. 68; Dodington's Diary, 433.

ence; he was no parliamentary debater: his manners were unpopular: he was a courtier rather than a politician: his intimate relations with the Princess of Wales were an object of scandal; and, above all, he was a Scotchman. The jealousy of foreigners, which had shown itself in hatred of the Hanoverians, was now transferred to the Scottish nation, whose connection with the late civil war had exposed them to popular obloquy. The scheme was such as naturally occurred to a favorite; but it required more than the talents of a favorite to accomplish. While only in the king's household, his influence was regarded with jealousy: remarks were already made upon the unlucky circumstance of his being a "Scot;" and popular prejudices were aroused against him, before he was ostensibly concerned in public affairs. Immediately after the king's accession he had been made a privy councillor, and admitted into the cabinet. An arrangement was soon afterwards concerted, by which Lord Holdernesse retired from office with a pension, and Lord Bute succeeded him as Secretary of State.1

It was now the object of the court to break up the existing ministry, and to replace it with another, formed from among the king's friends. Had the ministry been united, and had the chiefs reposed confidence in one another, it would have been difficult to overthrow them. But there were already jealousies amongst them, which the court lost no opportunity of fomenting. A breach soon arose between Mr. Pitt, the most powerful and popular of the ministers, and his colleagues. He desired to strike a sudden blow against Spain, which had concluded a secret treaty of alli

1 25th March, 1761.

2

2 Lord Hardwicke said, "He (Lord Bute) principally availed himself with great art and finesse of the dissensions between the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt: he played off one against the other till he got rid of the popular minister, and when that was compassed, he strengthened himself in the cabinet, by bringing in Lord Egremont and Mr. Grenville, and never left intriguing till he had rendered it impracticable for the old duke to continue in office with credit and honor." - Rockingham Men., i. 6. See the duke's own letters, ib., 102-109.

ance with France, then at war with this country.1 Though war minister, he was opposed by all his colleagues except Lord Temple. He bore himself haughtily at the council,

declared that he had been called to the ministry by the voice of the people, and that he could not be responsible for measures which he was no longer allowed to guide. Being met with equal loftiness in the cabinet, he was forced to ten der his resignation.2

Pension to
Mr. Pitt.

8

The king overpowered the retiring minister with kindness and condescension. He offered the barony of Chatham to his wife, and to himself an annuity of 3,000l. a year for three lives. The minister had deserved these royal favors, and he accepted them, but at the cost of his popularity. It was an artful stroke of policy, thus at once to conciliate and weaken the popular statesman, whose opposition was to be dreaded, and it succeeded. The same Gazette which announced his resignation, also trumpeted forth the peerage and the pension, and was the signal for clamors against the public favorite.

On the retirement of Mr. Pitt, Lord Bute became the most influential of the ministers. He undertook

Influence of

Lord Bute. the chief management of public affairs in the cabinet, and the sole direction of the House of Lords. He consulted none of his colleagues, except Lord Egremont and Mr. George Grenville. His ascendency provoked the

1 Grenville Papers, i. 386.

391, 405. Mr. Pitt, in a "A difference of opinion

2 Ann. Reg., 1761 [43]. Grenville Papers, letter to Mr. Beckford, October 15th, 1761, says, with regard to measures to be taken against Spain, of the highest importance to the honor of the Crown, and to the most essential national interests, and this founded on what Spain had already done, not on what that court may further intend to do, was the cause of my resigning the seals." Chatham Corresp., ii. 159.

8 Mr. Pitt said, "I confess, Sir, I had but too much reason to expect your Majesty's displeasure. I did not come prepared for this exceeding goodness. Pardon me, Sir, it overpowers, it oppresses me," and burst into tears.- ·Ann. Reg.; Grenville Papers, i. 413.

4 Rockingham Mem., i. 54, 86, 101 (Letters of the Duke of Newcastle). 5 lbid., 104.