It is known that one or two Irish leaders already favour this solution on principle, but are willing to assent to the scheme of peasant proprietorship if that scheme can be well worked. But if the peasant is dispossessed by the grazier, and the country is depopulated and turned into one vast grazing ranch, then it seems inevitable that the State should take over the land and administer it itself for the benefit of all. This acceptance of Socialistic principles can only be prevented by using the force of organised public opinion for the elimination of the grazier.

Second only to the land agitation in its hold on the Irish imagination comes, at present, the remarkable movement for the revival of the Irish language. Some attention has recently been drawn to this revival by the attempt of Mr. Thomas O'Donnell to make an Irish speech in Parliament; but its origin, its aims, and its strength are scarcely at all known in Great Britain. The Gaelic language, which was the tongue of all Ireland down to a few centuries ago, still survives as a spoken language along the whole of the western seaboard, and in a few other spots scattered over the island, but is gradually dying out before the advance of English. The present movement aims not only at preserving it in those districts where it is still spoken, but at spreading it all over the country as the principal tongue of the land. This attempt had its origin in the political dissension and apathy which followed the fall of Parnell. Many true Nationalists who had grown disgusted with political work, wishing to find some outlet for their strong patriotic sentiment, diverted it into a passionate attachment to the "old tongue of the Gael." In the absence of any great popular agitation the movement grew and flourished, directed by the Gaelic League. It has now made converts in most unexpected quarters (such as Mr. George Moore), and pervades, more or less visibly, the greater part of Ireland—so far, at least, as sentimental approval goes. Altogether apart from the merits of the change advocated by the Gaelic revivalists, the spirit which they are stirring up in the country makes for good. The undoubted earnestness and enthusiasm of the leaders of the revival, the steady determination with which they pursue their ideal, afford of themselves a valuable lesson, and one worthy of imitation, for the masses of the people; nor is that lesson being wholly lost. Then, too, the classes, lectures, social and musical gatherings held under the auspices of the Gaelic League cannot fail at least to have a stimulating and refining effect on the rising generation (whom it is their desire chiefly to attract), and to direct to the history, literature, and antiquities of Ireland an amount of attention which should certainly prove fruitful in mental culture and subsequent creative activity. But though the Gaelic League is thus incidentally benefiting the country, its direct objects can scarcely be accorded an unqualified approval. These objects are

four in number: two beneficial, two retrograde and detrimental to the best interests of Ireland and Irishmen. The first is to secure bi-lingual education for the children in Irish-speaking districts— that is, to procure that these children shall be taught English and other subjects through the medium of Irish, the language spoken in the home circle. The present system, whereby the child is given a parrot-knowledge of English which he forgets on leaving school, is fatal to all true education, and only retards the natural progress of the English language in those remote districts.

The second object of the Gaelic League is equally praiseworthy: namely, to promote the study of ancient Irish literature, which at present is much better known to the Germans than to the Irish, and which, though not containing anything of the greatest in literature, contains much that is valuable, and could not fail to act as a powerful mental stimulus to the people in whose land it was composed and whose ancestors it celebrates. But, not satisfied with this, the Gaelic League further demands that Irish shall be spread over the whole country and accepted as "the national language of Ireland," adding, as its fourth object, the corollary that a modern literature in Irish shall be created. Passing over the absurdity of supposing that literature can be created by a league of any kind, the vague nature of the chief claim should be noticed. The official programme of the League says nothing about what is to be done with English if their scheme succeeds. But the responsible chiefs of the movement have perceived the necessity of disclaiming all hostility to the English language; they publicly advocate national bi-lingualism, and are never tired of extolling the advantages possessed by nations speaking two languages; they point in especial to the example of Wales as one to be followed, wilfully blinding themselves to the evil effects on the Welsh people produced by their obstinate clinging to an obsolete tongue; and they insist that in their projected bi-lingual system Irish Gaelic must be the principal language. The great body of Gaelic Leaguers go further than their chiefs, and make no concealment of their desire to have the English language driven out altogether. For, all the old "physical force" men, who will have no compromise with England, who claim nothing less than an Irish Republic (and who, as has been said already, have gained strength from the abject failure of parliamentarianism for some years past), are ardent Gaelic revivalists; mostly men of no culture, they hate the English language because it is English, and (though obliged to use it in their denunciations!) clamour for its complete disuse in Ireland. However, the Gaelic League, officially considered, holds itself carefully aloof from politics; and it is a striking circumstance that within its ranks are found, side by side with the extremists just mentioned, men whose political views are at the opposite pole-men

like the O'Connor Don, Conservatives and Unionists-who see in the Irish language question an excellent red-herring to trail across the path of political democracy. The parliamentary politicians, the United Irish Leaguers, are therefore banned by the "Keltomaniacs,” who, proclaiming themselves as the custodians of "the soul of the Irish nation," despise those who are gross enough to agitate merely for the nation's material prosperity! There is, consequently, an undercurrent of hostility between the Gaelic League and the United Irish League; for both of the extreme sections who compose the former are opposed to the practical constitutional programme of the latter. There is no open warfare; instead, each party endeavours to use the other for its own purposes. The Gaelic League calls on

the United Irish League to utilise its public meetings for the propagation of Irish by speeches made therein; the United Irish League upbraids the Gaelic League for not using its power for political purposes, and to some extent takes the wind out of its sails by placing the "revival of the Irish language" on its programme- -as the last article on the list, after ten items of more practical value. Some few even manage to be enthusiastic members of both leagues, the most notable of whom is Mr. Thomas O'Donnell.

It may reasonably be expected that the better part of the Gaelic League's labours will survive and bear fruit, while its more extravagant aims will be swamped by the still rising tide of political enthusiasm, just as they found birth amid the deadening of all true combative national spirit. In order to stave off the evil day of extinction, the "Keltomaniacs" are now endeavouring to show that some connection exists between their movement and that now arising in support of Irish manufactures; that, in fact, in spite of their bombastic words on "the soul of the Irish nation," they have condescended to care for its body also! The impression which they would fain produce is, however, a misleading one. An industrial revival certainly seems to be in progress in Ireland, but it is in no sense due to the action of the Gaelic League or the United Irish League, although the credit is claimed by both; it is rather another and a distinct symptom of the re-awakening of Irishmen to militant activity. This movement for the preferential purchase of Irish manufactures has given rise to one or two local industrial leagues (recently federated under a central executive), but none of them have hitherto attained noticeable dimensions, and as yet the chief strength of the movement lies in the Leader, a new penny weekly published in Dublin, which, though disfigured by much vapouring about "the soul of the Irish nation," many reckless attacks on Irish public men, and a quantity of utterly irrelevant and uninformed social and literary criticism, is nevertheless doing good national work in calling attention to the many articles imported

from England and abroad which could be equally well procured at home. It is distinguished by its insistence on sound economics, and is emphatic in its warnings against the dangers of anything like Protection, against buying any article solely because it is of Irish manufacture, without regard to price or quality. Its recommendations meet with ready support from the consumers; its hardest task is to rouse the supine Irish manufacturers, whom it has dubbed the "Dark Brotherhood" on account of their fatal lack of enterprise in pushing their wares, and especially their total neglect of advertising.

The question of University education, so important for Irish prosperity, at present excites little or no interest among the people. The uncultivated masses are quite unable to comprehend how they can be affected by University education, their idea of a University being a place for the sons of the rich; and their leaders take no great trouble to enlighten them. This is due to the fact that those who really understand the problem can come to no agreement as to the best method of solving it. The Roman Catholic clergy undoubtedly desire a University of which they themselves shall have the chief control, directly or indirectly; and, so far, the hesitation and doubt with which the Irish claim is regarded by Nonconformist Liberals is palpably well-founded. But what is not generally known is that the political leaders who are now in the ascendant in Ireland, though Roman Catholics, are not in the least disposed to submit to clerical dictation in the field of education any more than in the field of politics; and they are equally resolved to have a lay University for laymen. Whenever the question comes up for discussion in any tangible form, these differences, now concealed, are certain to reveal themselves. But if the matter were threshed out in detail in the Imperial Parliament, the very fact of being taunted by Englishmen with submission to clerical dictation would rouse the Nationalist leaders to defiance of English opinion, and they would throw in their lot with the clergy rather than incur the reproach of deserting them while England looked on. If, on the contrary, the matter is postponed until Home Rule is won, then, in a Parliament of their own, free from English supervision, the laymen would fight hard against the priestly influence, and would probably win. And the consciousness of this, as much as anything else, is at the root of Mr. John Redmond's frequently expressed opinion that the question will never be settled until a Home Rule Parliament is first granted. The problem is further complicated by the claims of a third party-the Jesuits. Their ideal, plainly, is a Jesuit University, independent alike of laymen and of the secular clergy. They talk less than the other parties, but they are steadily working to consolidate their position at the head of the Catholic College in Dublin. By a series of questionable appointments to fellowships, often made without

regard to academic distinction, they have succeeded in establishing themselves firmly within the Royal University; and they hope, when a University scheme is announced, to be able to put forward a strong case for their predominance within the new institution. The average lay Irishman, Roman Catholic and Home Ruler as he is, only hopes that the rivalry between the Jesuits and the secular clergy may result in the proverbial windfall to honest men.

The Financial Relations question, so much talked of a few years ago, excites absolutely no interest in Ireland to-day. It is on the programme of the United Irish League as one of the grievances to be redressed, but it is not a living issue. The people in general have not sufficient economic education to grasp the bearings of the question on their daily life; and Mr. Sexton, the one politician who could have made such an abstract subject clear to his countrymen, is still in retirement.

I have tried, in the course of this article, to show as succinctly as possible the chief phases in the revival of Ireland as a militant force, as well as to indicate the probable trend of this revival in the future. Writing as an Irishman, my aim in doing so is to endeavour to let the average Englishman know and understand something of the circumstances of the case with which he must deal. I do not think that any one, either Irish or English, can set before himself a better task than to clear away something of that mutual misunderstanding which has so long kept apart in conflict two peoples so eminently fitted, by genius and environment, to supplement each other and to blend in a genuine, harmonious union.

TIMON.