three millions of shilling, to share the profit of i villainy among six millions of people? Your gra argument, therefore, considered in this light, wants r only solidity, but even plausibility; since it is found on an absurd, uncharitable probability, which falls sho of a rational probability, almost as much as a single ur falls short of six millions.

The preceding observation is applicable to your do trine of liberty. Civil liberty, if we believe you, Si and Doctor Price, is one and the same thing with th power of making our own laws in common with ou fellow-subjects. According to this notion, supposin that, to make our own laws, we repealed all the law which have been made in England by former legislators -supposing that all the subjects in Great Britain were free in your sense of the word; that their number was nine millions; and that one had as much right to make laws as another; supposing this, I say, upon your scheme, it follows, that the degree of legislative power, i. e., of liberty, which falls to the share of an Englishman, bears as insignificant a proportion to the full power of legislation, i. e., to full liberty, as a single voice bears to eight millions, nine hundred and ninetynine voices. If the crown itself, and the power annexed to it, were divided into so many parts, they would be so little and so insignificant, that none but fools would think it worth their while to contend an hour about one such part of the royal dignity. But this is not all: If the old adage, Tot capita, tot sensus, be true;—if every man have his peculiar turn for legislation, as well as his peculiar complexion and look;-if no one be free, but so far as he is governed according to his own legislative mind;-if nine millions of British subjects have as much right to make British laws as Doctor Price;-and if the majority are to carry their point against the minority; there are nine million degrees of probability to one, that Doctor Price, upon his own scheme, will be forced to give up his own legislative will; and that the laws made by others shall prevail against his own selfmade laws. And is not this a proof, that after all the ado

he makes about liberty, he only leads us to a liberty, which is as far from what he calls complete liberty, as a single unit is far from nine millions? And that he brings us as near the state which you are pleased to call abject slavery, as having only one share of that part of the legislative power, which is lodged in the house of commons, out of nine millions of shares, is near to having nothing to do with legislation at all? If these observations be just, is it not evident, Sir, that your doctrine of civil liberty rests on frivolous and irrational refinements, as well as your American patriotism?

Permit me to make one more remark upon taxation. Page 117, I have quoted you and Doctor Price, who both agree to mention an act of parliament, where "certain duties, &c., are said to be given and granted by the parliament to the king." Looking now into your pamphlet, I take notice, that you put the words given and granted in italics. Should you do it to insinuate, that the taxes which we pay are not a debt, but a free-gift from us and our fellow-subjects; permit me, Sir, to answer your indirect argument by observing, that the legislative power being chiefly lodged in the Parliament, as the executive power is chiefly lodged in the king; the legislative power may with propriety give and grant to the executive power the revenue arising from such and such taxes. All that can therefore be reasonably inferred from the two expressions, on which you seem to lay so much stress, is that the legislative power gives and grants supplies to the king, as the first commander of the fleet and army. But to conclude from thence, that taxes are not due by the people to the legislative and protective power, is as absurd, unscriptural, and unconstitutional, as to conclude, that all the freeholders are legislators, that all who have no vote for parliament-men are slaves, and that the supreme and governing power is in the hands of the governed: -Three dangerous opinions these, which are to your levelling patriotism, what the three heads of Cerberus are to that fabulous monster.

overthrow Great Britain itself. So shall you undo the harm, which you have undesignedly done; and our revolted fellow-subjects, instead of cursing the day when you confirmed them in their sin, will bless you for giving them an antidote as powerful as the error, which now poisons their minds, and distracts their country.

Should you wonder, Sir, at my repeated opposition of your principles, I should urge two things by way of apology for it: (1.) Though I believe that you and your second mean well, yet some of your principles have, I fear, a tendency to raise or foment a spirit of disobedience, sedition, and anarchy. And (2.) as a minister of the Church of England, I have subscribed to the doctrine of the homily against disobedience and wilful rebellion, which contains this remarkable ejaculation: "God of his infinite mercy grant unto us, that we may be—good, natural, loving, and obedient subjects;— not only shewing all obedience ourselves, but as many of us as are able, to the utmost of our power, ability, and understanding, [endeavouring] to stay and repress all rebels and rebellions against God, our gracious Prince, and natural country, at every occasion that is offered unto us! And that, which we are all able to do, unless we do it, we shall be most wicked, and most worthy to feel in the end such extreme plagues, as God has ever poured upon rebels." I produce this quotation, not to charge you, Sir, or Dr. Price, with disobedience and wilful rebellion, for I firmly believe you intend no such thing. I only want to remind you, that by my sub. scription, as a minister, my baptism as a Christian, and my oath of allegiance as a subject, I am bound, "at the occasion offered me" by your reply and your quotations, "to do what I am able to do," in order to rectify your mistakes, and guard my readers against what appears to me the natural tendency of your principles. And now, Sir, having cleared my conscience with respect to you, and the ingenious Dr. Price, whom you have called to your assistance, I quit the thankless office of a faithful reprover, and resuming that of a friendly controvertist, I

assure you, that, notwithstanding the difference of our political and religious sentiments, I am with Christian sincerity and love,

In my first letter, I have omitted an important answer to your capital argument. You suppose, Sir, that the Colonists are enslaved and robbed, when they are taxed by the king and the parliament, because "every shilling which they [the members of the British Parliament] take out of the pocket of an American, is so much saved in their own." To this I object the impro bability that a British legislator would so far demean himself, as to save a dirty shilling in his purse, by oppressively taking one out of an American's pocket.→→ You reply by insinuating, that I have not so high an opinion of the honesty of our legislators as I express; and that, if I lent, a few thousands to one of them, I should take care not to part with my money without receiving a proper bond. To the answer which I have given you, p. 101, permit me to add that which follows.

Supposing that a member of parliament should act a knave's part for the sake of “a few thousands" wherewith he could enrich himself; yet it is absurd to suppose, that he would turn robber, to share his booty with near six millions of people. For if a member of par liament pick an American's pocket by taxing him, the shilling which he takes from the American does not save a shilling in his own pocket, as you insinuate; it is only a shilling saved for Great Britain in general, that is, for near six millions of people. I shall not say then, What gentleman is there in parliament,—but what felon is there in Newgate, who would think it worth his while to pick an American's pocket of a shilling, or even of

three millions of shilling, to share the profit of his villainy among six millions of people? Your grand argument, therefore, considered in this light, wants not only solidity, but even plausibility; since it is founded on an absurd, uncharitable probability, which falls short of a rational probability, almost as much as a single unit falls short of six millions.

The preceding observation is applicable to your doctrine of liberty. Civil liberty, if we believe you, Sir, and Doctor Price, is one and the same thing with the power of making our own laws in common with our fellow-subjects. According to this notion, supposing that, to make our own laws, we repealed all the laws which have been made in England by former legislators; -supposing that all the subjects in Great Britain were free in your sense of the word; that their number was nine millions; and that one had as much right to make laws as another; supposing this, I say, upon your scheme, it follows, that the degree of legislative power, i. e., of liberty, which falls to the share of an Englishman, bears as insignificant a proportion to the full power of legislation, i. e., to full liberty, as a single voice bears to eight millions, nine hundred and ninetynine voices. If the crown itself, and the power annexed to it, were divided into so many parts, they would be so little and so insignificant, that none but fools would think it worth their while to contend an hour about one such part of the royal dignity. But this is not all: If the old adage, Tot capita, tot sensus, be true;—if every man have his peculiar turn for legislation, as well as his peculiar complexion and look ;-if no one be free, but so far as he is governed according to his own legislative mind;-if nine millions of British subjects have as much right to make British laws as Doctor Price;—and if the majority are to carry their point against the minority; there are nine million degrees of probability to one, that Doctor Price, upon his own scheme, will be forced to give up his own legislative will; and that the laws made by others shall prevail against his own selfmade laws. And is not this a proof, that after all the ado