IV. 1714. however solid, were not shining. A heavy counte- CHAP. nance, an awkward address, - an aversion to the pomp of majesty, nay even to the acclamations which greeted him, disgusted the multitude; while men of education were mortified at finding that he neither loved nor encouraged any branch of literature or science, nor any one of the fine arts except music. Politicians complained of his unbending obstinacy and contracted understanding. "His views and affections," says Lord Chesterfield, "were singly confined to the narrow compass of "his electorate; England was too big for him." A diffidence of his own parts made him reluctant to speak in public, and select for his familiar society persons of inferior intellect and low buffoonery; nor did he ever show a proper dignity, either in his mind or manners. It may seem absurd to reckon amongst the faults of this prince that he was already fifty-four years of age, attached to German customs, and utterly ignorant of the English language; yet there can be no doubt that these were the circumstances which most impeded his good government or extensive popularity. A hard fate that the enthronement of a stranger should have been the only means to secure our liberties and laws! Almost a century of foreign masters! such has been the indirect but undoubted effect of the Great Rebellion. Charles and James, driven abroad by the tumults at home, received a French education, and pursued a French policy. Their government IV. 1714. CHAP. was overthrown by a Dutchman; George the First and George the Second were entirely German; and thus, from 1660 to 1760, when a truly English monarch once more ascended the throne, the reign of Queen Anne appears the only exception to a foreign dominion. Let not these observations mislead the reader as to my opinion of that crisis. Far from me be any feeling of aversion, or even of indifference, to the Hanover succession! On the enthronement of that family depended, I most firmly believe, the security of our laws, of our properties, of our religion, of every thing that we either cherish or revere. In spite of every drawback, the cause of Hanover was undoubtedly the cause of liberty, and the cause of the Stuarts the cause of despotism. These two adverse principles will be found in almost all ages, and under every variety of parties, to carry on their fierce and unceasing warfare; the bright spirit is constantly struggling against the malicious fiend. But let it be observed, that amongst all the masks which the hateful demon of despotism knows how to assume, none is more dangerous and ensnaring than when it puts on the disguise of revolutionary licence,-when it combats its rival with his own weapons, and seems only to aim at a greater extension of liberty. Thus are the friends of constitutional and settled freedom (unassailable on all other points) too often taken in the rear and overpowered. Can it be doubted, for example, that in France, in 1791, when the struggle lay IV. 1714. between the Gironde, or partisans of the new limited CHAP. and representative monarchy, and the Montagne, or the clamourers for further democratic changes, the cause of liberty was really with the former, and the cause of despotism with the latter? Would not the former, by their success, have maintained a constitutional freedom? Did not the latter, by prevailing, only conduct the nation through the dismal road of anarchy to its inevitable termination a military despotism? To trace these two principles at work, and to assign to each its proper side at different periods, is one of the most curious and most instructive tasks in history. The Earl of Clarendon, the ambassador from Queen Anne, had reached Hanover on the 16th of July, and a few days afterwards had his first audience at the country palace of Herrenhausen. The Elector was profuse in his expressions of attachment and gratitude to her Majesty, disclaimed all intention of displeasing her, and imputed the application of Schutz entirely to Princess Sophia. But on the 5th of August arrived Mr. Craggs, with an account of the Queen's dangerous illness; and the same night three expresses,-one to Lord Clarendon, and two to the Elector, brought * • Despatches from Lord Clarendon to Secretary Bromley, published by Coxe. "When," says Lord Clarendon, "I came to " mention Schutz's demand, the Elector said these words: 'J'es"père que la Reine n'a pas cru que cela s'est fait par mon "'ordre; je vous assure que cela a été fait à mon insu; la dé"funte Electrice avait écrit à Schutz sans que je l'aie su pour "'s'informer pourquoi le Prince n'avait pas eu son writ." &c. IV. CHAP. the news of her death. George received the intelligence with composure and moderation. He 1714. immediately summoned his ministers. He determined to entrust the government of his German dominions to a council, with his brother, Prince Ernest, at its head; that his eldest son (afterwards George the Second) should accompany him to England; that the greater part of his family should follow a few weeks after; but that his young grandson, Prince Frederick, should remain at Hanover. No small testimony to his merit and good government was displayed in the extreme grief of the people at his approaching departure; and his exaltation could not console them for their loss. The King, as a parting gift, intimated to the magistrates that they might ask some favour from him; and, at their request, he took the excise off provisions, and released the insolvent debtors from prison. The delay which took place in his departure he did not set out till the 31st- has been ascribed to profound policy, and to the prudent wish of obtaining some further intelligence from England*; but writers are too frequently unwilling to assign any common motive to any royal action, and they forget that George the First was always deliberate and phlegmatic in his movements, and had many matters of business to settle in his electorate. On his arrival at the Hague he received compliments • Coxe's Memoirs of Walpole, vol. i. p. 60. IV. 1714. from the States and foreign ministers, and com- CHAP. munications from his friends in England, and he finally matured his arrangements for the new administration. At length, at six o'clock on the evening of the 18th of September, the King and Prince landed at Greenwich, where a vast concourse of the principal nobility and gentry had hastened to welcome their arrival. George showed very flattering attention to the leading Whigs, such as Marlborough, Sunderland, and Somers, but took no notice whatever of Ormond or Harcourt; and it was after many difficulties, and in total silence, that Oxford was admitted the next morning to the honour of kissing his hand. Even before his Majesty's landing, he had, in some degree, disclosed his political intentions by sending directions to remove Bolingbroke from his office of Secretary of State, and to appoint in his place Lord Townshend. This order was executed on the last of August with strong marks of displeasure against the fallen minister; Shrewsbury, Somerset, and Cowper taking the seals from him, and locking the doors of his office. The bitter mortification of Bolingbroke pierces through the thin veil of his philosophy, as he writes to Atterbury: :-"To be removed was neither matter of surprise nor of concern to me. But the manner "of my removal shocked me for at least two "minutes..... I am not in the least intimidated "from any consideration of the Whig malice and |