of independence of this energy, Mr. Grattan availed himself; he caught as he inspired the generous flame, and by one of those extraordinary displays of impassioned eloquence, to which even the eloquent cannot rise, but when a momentous object seems to furnish adequate powers, he gave rise to the celebrated declaration, "That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, only could make laws to bind Ireland, in any case whatever."

The following order of Mr. Grattan's speeches exhibit no faint outline of his exertions, from 1779 to the final accomplishment of the declaration of our independence in 1782. The only liberty which the Editor has taken with these speeches is, to put them in the first person; the Reporter had given them in the third.

On the 10th November, 1779, Mr. KEARNEY rose, and after a pathetic enumeration of the severity of the Hearth-money Tax on the lower order of the people, he called on Administration to adopt some mode, by which their sufferings might be relieved.

Upon this occasion, Mr. GRATTAN declared that no man more sincerely considered the burden of that tax than he did, hut that this was of all others the time in which the subject of taxation should be totally suspended, and that an awful silence in that instance should prevail through the house. He had heard a Widow Tax being spoken of, but he utterly disapproved of a measure, though it was to exchange one tax for another, taking plate at a time when Parliament had declared, that nothing but a free trade could save this country from impending ruin-that the declarations which fell from a member of the administration (the Attorney-General) had given an universal alarm, and that his words had spread like wild fire through all ranks of men-" that new taxes, to the amount of 75,000l. were announced to be raised at a time of universal bankruptcy." That an association was already drawn up, that no man would vote, at a future election, for any member who voted for new taxes, or for a money bill for more than six months, which, to his certain knowledge, he was acquainted with-therefore he hoped the honorable member would suffer the subject of taxation to remain undisturbed, until

the House should know what commercial enlargements would be granted to this already undone and unfortunate kingdom.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied:

He said he was called upon by matter of a very high nature, which had fallen from an honorable member (Mr. Grattan) whose great abilities always excited the highest attention; he said it had been asserted, that the words which fell from him yesterday," had spread like wild fire, and created unusual alarm; he did not know that any thing which fell from him, could have alarmed the nation in the manner described--but he heard expressions fall from gentlemen, which should never be spoken within those walls; that freedom of debate was restrained, and outrage held out as a terror to the representatives-that, as a Lawyer, he would take upon him to say, that if he were upon a committee, he would disqualify the elector who had signed such association as the honorable gentleman mentioned, and that he considered such an association illegal.

To this MR. GRATTAN replied in the following words :-"I have heard the right honorable gentleman, the Attorney-general, censure a doctrine, which I conceive to be a great and fundamen tal part of the constitution, and a most powerful instrument of national redress. Where a representative was disposed to act against what was evidently the public interest, the constituents might and ought to agree with one another, never to return that man to Parliament. One member of this House may think this doctrine surprising, another member may think it illegal, yet I will persist to maintain, and if necessary, to carry it into execution-that the right to instruct, and to back instructions, by further association, not to return the obdurate member-were one and the same-both were the rights of the constituent, to be reserved upon great occasions, and upon great occasions always to be exercised.

"Suppose, when the petition of right was agitating, a constituent had said to his representative-Sir. this is a measure of the last consequence, I hope you will support it; suppose that member should refuse; in that case have not I a right to declare in writing, with my brother electors, that I will vote against that member upon all future occasions? Is a free trade less an object to Ireland, than the petition of rights was to England, or were the people more called upon to deter individuals from selling the country, in the case of violated liberty, than of usurped trade? I do not understand what gentlemen mean by asserting that the elector threatens his representative; suppose great numbers in this House to be under the influence of government, would it not be expedient to counteract that dishonest influence, by the strong impulse of the people, not in order to take away the liberty of acting, but to oppose the tide of corruption, by the tide of the people. I am the more convinced of the propriety of this close connection between the representative and constituent body of Ireland, when I recollect the great purpose you pursue. Is not a

free trade, such an object as requires all the efforts you can legally and constitutionally put forth? are we afraid of our own people? Sir, I respect the gentry of this country, but I respect the people more-Sir, I speak with confidence, that the great object we seek, cannot be obtained by the skill, the prudence, or the dexterity of 300 men, without the spirit and co-operation of three million. "This is not a time to cry down public associations, under a notion of dictating to Parliament; to what do you owe the present spirited and respectable posture of this country, but to associations-The Parliament had, by its precedent, left this kingdom last Session without an effectual friend in either House of the English Parliament; your loyal addresses; your 300,000l.—the bounty and discretion of Parliament left us without a hope of relief; our cause was scouted out of both Houses in England under our precedence; it was recalled to their consideration by the associations, which raised you an advocate in the King, Lords, and Commons of Great Britain; these associations went farther; they caused a fortunate change in the circumstances of this house, they inspired us to ask directly for the greatest object that ever was set within the view of Ireland, A FREE TRADE, they inspired the Commons, they animated the Lords, and having made both Houses unanimous in the greatest measure that ever combined a nation; having given fire to that union, they carried you, Sir, the people carried you proudly on their crest, when you proceeded to deliver to his Excellency the great requisition. I could mention other great acquisitions obtained by the people; to the public, the constitutional public, you owe that great law, the Octennial Bill, which was pased by the constituent body, against the wishes of all the estates who assented to it; to say that associations against those who desert the public upon such occasions are contemptible, is idle; the man who despises, or who proposes to despise such associations, is despicable. Is it a bolder measure to associate against the commerce of England, which almost every man in this House has done, than against the person of any individual sitting in Parliament. With respect to the law, I shall not enter into long arguments upon that head; I know of no law against such associations, I never heard any ground for supposing the law to be against them, I am so convinced of their legality, that if it should become necessary, I should join one as an elector. The right honorable gentleman, who says he would disallow such a vote, will please to recollect it would not be in his power to do so; for when the vote comes before him, he will be on his oath; as to the pleasure which his declaration of yesterday, "that gentlemen meant to continue the present establishment, and to ask for new taxes, in order to fund the present debt," gave to the public, I have my doubts; What! does the public rejoice that we are to run in debt every Session half a million! Does the public, over whom ruin impends, unless averted by a free trade, find a gratification in knowing, that without a free trade those taxes are

to be augmented?-The servants of the Crown, to whom large arrears are due, might find a balm in those declarations, when they were to be paid by new taxes levied on the people. As to what fell from the right honourable member, relative to the short Money Bill, Ido auspicate that a short Money Bill will be carried. I agree with him that it ought not to be carried by outrage; it will be carried by the universal sense of all ranks of men, and those who now speak against the measure will finally give it a voluntary compliance.'

Sir Henry Cavendish rose immediately after Mr. Grattan, and observed, with peculiar warmth, that he could not forbear opposing the violent attack made upon the dignity of the House; that he heard the wrath of the people threatened against such members as would refuse to obey their dictates; that he advised that House to crush by times a spirit of sedition which he saw was evidently gone abroad, and now was the time to check it; the independants in the last century began with seeming moderation, but at last cut off the head of their King; factious men may creep into those Volunteer companies and get power; they may urge others to do what the latter are not aware of;-I am not a freeman if I cannot vote as I choose; if I am, in short, told that if I do not vote in such a way, I shall never be re-elected; it takes away the freedom of debate-I never will submit to it.

Mr. GRATTAN again rose, and spoke as follows:

"Sir,

"I rise once more to take notice of some expressions which fell from the right honourable baronet.-I desire to know what he means?-Does he mean that the independent companies should be disarmed?-Does he mean that the civil associations should come under the censure of Parliament ?-Will he dare—will the right honourable baronet dare to assert, that there are any men of the independent companies dangerous to the safety of the Crown-that there is any man now in arms, with whom the safety of His Majesty's crown and dignity may not be with as much propriety confided as with himself?-Whatever he was, is, or ever will be. Let me tell that right honourable gentleman, there is something particular in his situation; he is, in right of his father, a publis debtor; a public debtor and a public object should not adopt so offensive a mode of expression, or to convey such a hasty idea, as to state the money laid out for the improvement of the kingdom as the sole cause of the national debt; he stands upon very delicate ground, and yet he puts himself forward upon all unpopular occasions, though he owes so much to the charitable forbearance of the public-he makes himself a constant enemy to that cause which the people conceive to be their own."

I

The activity of the Castle to ensure a majority in the Parliament, kept pace with the ardour of patriotism; and accordingly, when Mr. Grattan, on the 19th of April, 1780, moved to have it entered on the journals, "that no power on earth, save the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, had a right to make laws for Ireland," and though only one man denied that right, still, if the motion had been put, it would not have been carried.

The following is the best report extant of Mr. GRATTAN's speech on that occasion:

"Sir,

"I have intreated an attendance of the House on this day, to protest against the usurpations of the Parliament of Great Britain, and to join with me in lifting up their hands and voices against such usurpations. Two millions of people out of doors were to be satisfied, and had I a son, I would, like the father of Hannibal, bring him to the altar to swear the sacred maintenance of the people's rights. I would move them to as full and ample a declaration as could be done without shaking the pillars of the state. It is impossible to stop the voice of millions--the public mind was not at ease-enough was not done.-You are the guardians of the public liberty, you owe your country that liberty, and she calls upon you to restore it she calls upon you to make Great Britain revoke the injustice of her laws, and to restore your political as she has your commercial freedom. In passing the bills for liberating your trade, the British minister has made use of the words, that it was expedient to allow Ireland to export her own products. Expedient is a word of great reserve. Expedient is a word fatal to Great Britain; by such a word she lost America, and plunged her country in scenes of blood. By this reservation your trade is in the power of England, whenever she may think proper to take it away. We were allowed a moment of satisfaction, but not a relief from slavery. God has afforded you an opportunity to emancipate yourselves and your posterity; wait not the issue of a general peace, when the direction of her power on this fated island may again lay you in bondage. For the honour of your