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ion; but when the mover of the bill asks me te surrender those powers, I am astonished at him. I have neither ears, nor eyes, nor functions to make such a sacrifice. What! that free trade for which we exerted every nerve in 1779; that free constitution for which we pledged life and fortune in 1782! Our lives are at the service of the empire ; but-our liberties ! No-we rea ceived them from our Father, which is in Heaven, and we will haud them down to our children. But if gentlemen can entertain a doubt of the mischief of these propositions, are they convinced of their safety ? the safety of giving up the go. vernment of your trade ? No! the mischief is prominent, but the advantage is of a most enig: matical nature. Have gentlemen considered the subject, have they traced even the map of the countries, the power or freedom of trading with whom they are to surrender for ever? Have they traced the map of Asia, Africa, and America ? Do they know the French, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish settlements? Do they know the neutral powers of those countries, their produce, aptitudes and dispositions ? Have they considered the state of North America ? its present state, future growth, and every opportunity in the end. less succession of time attending that nurse of commerce and asylum of mankind? Are they now competent to declare, on the part of them selves and all their posterity, that a free trade te those regions will never, in the eflux of time, be of any service to the kingdom of Ireland ? If they have information on this subject, it must be by a communication with God, for they have none with man: it must be inspiration, for it cannot be knowledge. In such circumstances, to sub, scribe this agreement, without knowledge, with: out even the affectation of knowledge, when Great Britain, with all her experience and every means of information from East Indies, West Indies, America, and with the official knowledge of Ireland at her feet, has taken six months to deliberate, and has now produced twenty resolutions, with an history to each, amounting to a code of empire, not a system of commerce : I say, in such circumstances, for Ireland to subscribe this agreement, would be infatuation; an infatua. tion to which the nation could not be a party, but would appear to be concluded, or indeed hud. dled, with all her posterity into a fallacious arrangement, by the influence of the Crown, without the deliberation of Parliament, or the consent of the people! This would appear the more inexcusable, because we are not driven to it; adjustment is not indispensible; the great points have been carried! Ap inferior question about the homo market has been started, and a commerbial fever artificially raised; but while the great points remain undisturbed, the nations cannot be committed; the manufacturers applied for protecting duties, and have failed; the minister offered a system of reciprocity, and succeeded in Ireland, but has failed in England; be makes you another offer, inconsistent with the former, which offer the English do not support and the Irish deprécate. ." We can go on ; we have a growing prosperity, and as yet an exemption from intolerable taxes; we can from time to time regulate our own commerce, éherish our manufactures, keep down our taxes, and bring on our people, and brood over the growing prosperity of Young Ireland. In the mean time we will guard our free trade and free constitution, as our only real resources; they were the struggles of great virtue, the result of much perseverance, and our broad base of public action! We should recollect that this House may now, with peculiar propriety, interpose, because you did, with great zeal and suecess, on this very subjeet of trade, bring on the people, and you did, with great prudence and moderation, on another occasion, check a certain description of the people, and you are now called upon by con. sistency to defend the people. Thus mediating

between extremes, you will preserve this island long, and preserve her --with a certain degree of renown. Thus faithful to the constitution of the country, you will command and insure her tranquillity ; for our best authority with the people is, protection afforded against the ministers of the Crown. It is not public clamour but public injury that should alarm you; your high ground of expostulation with your fellow subjects has been your services; the free trade you have given the merchant, and the free constitution you have given the island! Make your third great effort; preserve them, and with them preserve unaltered your own calm sense of public right, the dignity of the Parliament, the majesty of the people, and the powers of the island ! Keep them unsullied, uncovenanted, uncircumscribed, and unstipendi. ary! These paths are the paths to glory; and let me add, these ways are the ways of peace : so'! shall the prosperity of your country, though with-, out a tongue to thank you, yet laden with the bless. ings of coustitution and of commerce, bear attestation to your services, and wait on your progress with involuntary praise !"

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On the 9th of February, 1786, Mr. Thomas Connolly, of Castletown, the first Irish Commoner, brought forward the two following most important resolutions ::

The first resolution" That this House did, in the last Session, grant certain new taxes, esti. mated at 140,000l. per annum, for the purpose of putting an end to the accumulation of debt."

The second—“That should the said taxes be continued, it is absolutely necessary that the ex. pepses of the nation should be confined to the an. nual income.”

Few questions were ever discussed in the Irisb Parliament, on which its character so much de. pended, as those very important resolutions submitted by Mr. Connolly to its consideration.

In the Session of 1785, hopes were held out to the nation, that such an arrangement would be grounded upon the celebrated eleven Commercial Propositions, as would enable it to bear the burden of encreased taxation with ease and convenience—that trade would be so extended the resources of the country so enlarged its con

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