some miserable hovel, whither an Englishmanwould not venture to turn his beast; here, he, with an unhappy wife and wretched offspring, must endeavour to drag out existence, half starved, and half famished with cold. What a distinction, alas! between beings of the same species. When, Sir, we thus view the different conditions of two people, it is natural to enquire into the cause of this difference.-Are Irishmen less fitted by nature to earn a livelihood than Englishmen? Is there any difference in their frames, to produce these very different effects? Are their constitutions worse, or their appetites greater? Is there any disadvantage in the nature of our climate, soil, or situation of our country, to prevent our prosperity? No! the climate of this country is delightful, the soil as rich and vegetative as any in the world, and our situation adapted for intercourse with both worlds. Thus, those who render our people idle, are the first to ridicule them for that idleness, and to ridicule them without cause.

"National characteristics are always unjust.-I am grieved, Sir, to hear those uncandid reflections thrown upon Irishmen they are false as they are illiberal.-Irishmen have shewn spirit and genius in whatever they have undertaken. They have shewn that they can make great exertions

when they are encouraged; the differénce of the cultivation of this country, from what it was before the laws for promoting agriculture, will evince the truth of my assertion. A great proportion of the inhabitants of this country, previous to these laws, lived on imported corn; but no sooner was encouragement held forth to the plough, than the national industry broke forth, and instead of importing, a large quantity was annually exported. This will ever remain a positive contradiction to the vague and ill-founded reflections on Irishmen. I will even go farther, and call on Gentlemen to specify one instance, where the people were indolent, where the laws of our country protected them in their endeu

vours.

"Let us consider what has been done in respect to our Linens. Though we were compelled to yield an established manufacture, and apply ourselves to it, under the disadvantage of contending with a country that had arrived at great perfection, yet we prospered-And why? Because we were not interfered with. If this is not a proof of industry, I know not what may be called so. Whenever this country has been encouraged, it shewed great industry-witness our Linens, our Broad Stuffs, our Tabinets, our Poplins. How groundless, therefore, is the charge of indolence?

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Even admitting the people of this country were indolent, instead of continuing to keep them in it, by continuing their oppressions, this House ought to remove that indolence, Something must be done to relieve the thousands who now are famishing in your streets. The city of Dublin, with a degree of humanity that will ever do her honor, has hitherto succoured them by voluntary donations. But the donations of the city of Dublin will be found inadequate to the miseries of these poor men. It is the home consumption alone that gives spirit and money to the manufacturer: without money he cannot pay the men whom he employs; and that money is only to be had by home consumption,

"Since, then, the remedies that have been ap plied, are ineffectual, let us now see what may be successful; and let us copy the conduct of England, of France, and other countries; that is, by protecting our manufacture at home."

At the conclusion of this speech, Mr. Gardiner moved for a duty on Woollens imported into the kingdom. This, after a very warm debate, was negatived by a vast majority, and the whole system of Protecting Duties ridiculed, and reprobated, as futile, visionary, and pernicious.

At the failure of this attempt at relief, the

disappointment of the people kindled into rage;

and such was the state of the metropolis at this period, that it was thought necessary to countermand the embarkation of several regiments destined for the East Indies, and to furnish the Garrison of Dublin, consisting of 4000 regular troops, with thirty rounds of powder and ball per man.-Before, however, the end of the Session, an Address was unanimously voted by the House of Commons to his Majesty, representing the distressed state of the kingdom, and praying for a more advantageous system of commerce between Ireland and Great Britain.'

On the 14th of May, 1784, the Parliament was prorogued; and the last measure adopted by this assembly seemed, in some measure, to calm the violence of the people, and to suspend the effervescence of their anger and discontent.

Previous to the meeting of Parliament in January, the British Cabinet, in concert with Commissioners appointed on the part of Ireland, had formed a plan for regulating, and finally adjusting, the commercial intercourse between the two countries.

The Parliament of Ireland met on the 20th of Jan. 1785, when, among other matters, the Lord Lieutenant thus addressed them:

"I am to recommend, in the King's name, to your earnest investigation, those objects of

trade and commerce between Great Britain and Ireland, which have not yet received their com

plete adjustment. In framing a plan, with a view to a final settlement, you will be sensible that the interest of Great Britain and Ireland ought to be for ever united and inseparable. And his Majesty relies on your liberality and wisdom, for adopting such an equitable system for the joint benefit of both countries, and the support of the common interest, as will secure mutual satisfaction and permanency.

On the 7th February, 1785, Mr. Orde, Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, laid before the House, in a series of Propositions, the grand Commercial Regulations, digested, during the reeess, into a regular system. There were two

The following are the original propositions:

J. Resolved, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is highly important to the general interest of the British empire, that the trade between Great Britain and Ireland be encouraged, and extended as much as possible; and for that purpose, that the intercourse and commerce be finally settled and regulated on permanent and equitable principles, for the mutual benefit of both countries."

II. Resolved, "That towards carrying into full effect so desirable a settlement, it is fit and proper that all articles, not the growth or manufacture of Great Britain and Ireland, should be imported into either kingdom from each other reci-. procally, under the same regulations, and at the same duties, if subject to duties, to which they are liable when imported directly from the place of their growth, produce, or manufacture; and that all duties originally paid on importation inte