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of independence of this energy, Mr. Grattan availed himself; he caught as he inspired the generous flame, and by one of those extraordinary displays of impas. sioned eloquence, to which even the eloquent cannot rise, but when a momentous object seems to furnishi adequate powers, he gave rise to the celebrated declaration, 6 That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, only could make laws to bind Ireland, in any case whatever."

The following order of Mr. Grattan's speeches ex: hibit no faint outline of his exertions, from 1779 to the final accomplishment of the declaration of our independence in 1782. The only liberty which the Editor has taken with these speeches is, to put them in the first person ; the Reporter had given them in the third. Hope

On the 10th Noveinber, 1779, Mr. KEARNEY rose, and after a pathetic enumeration of the severity of the Hearth-money Tax on the lower order of the people, he called on Administration to adopt some mode, by which their sufferings might be relieved.

Upon this occasion, Mr. GRATTAN declared that no man more sincerely considered the burden of that tax than he did, but that this was of all others the time in which the subject of taxation should be totally suspended, and that an awful silence in that instance should prevail through the house. He had heard a Widow Tax being spoken of, but he utterly disapproved of a measure, though it was to exchange one tax for another, taking place at a time when Parliament had declared, that nothing but a free trade could save this country from impending ruin that the declarations which fell from a member of the administration (the Attorney-General) had given an universal alarm, and that his words had spread like wild fire through all ranks of menu that ne w taxes, to the amount of 75,000l, were announced to be raised at a time of universal bankruptcy.” That an association was already drawn up, that no man would vote, at a future election, for any member who voted for new taxes, or for a money bill for more than six inonthis, which, to his certain knowledge, he was acquainted withtherefore he hoped the honorable member would suffer the subject of taxation to remain undisturbed, until

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the House should know what commercial enlargements would be granted to this already undone and unfortunate kingdom.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied: He said he was called upon by matter of a very high nature, which had fallen from an honorable member (Mr. Grattan) whose great abilities always excited the highest attention; he said it had been asserted, that the words which fell from him yesterday. had spread like wild fire, and ereated unusual alarm; he did not know that any thing which fell from him, conld have alarmed the nation in the mammer described--but he heard expressions fall from gentlemen, which should never be spoken within those walls; that freedom of debate was restrained, and outrage held out as a terror to the representatives that, as a Lawyer, he would take upon him to say, that if he were upon a committee, he would disqualify the elector who had signed such association as the honorable gentleman mentioned, and that he considered such an association illegal.

To this Mr. GRATTAN replied in the following words :_ I have heard the right honorable gentleman, the Attorney-general, censure a doctrine, which I conceive to be a great and fundamental part of the constitution, and a most powerful instrument of na. tional redress. Where a representative was disposed to act against what was evidently the public interest, the constituents might . and ought to agree with one another, never to return that man to Parliament. One member of this House may think this doctrine surprising, another member may think it illegal, yet I will persist to maintain, and if necessary, to carry it into execution that the right to instruct, and to bacle instructions, by further association, not to return the obdurate member-were one and the same-both were the rights of the constituent, to be reserved upon great occasions, and upon great occasions always to be exercised.

"Suppose, when the petition of right was agitating, a constituent had said to his representative--Sir. this is a measure of the last consequence, I hope you will support it; suppose that member should refuse; in that case have not I a right to declare in writing, with my brother electors, that I will vote against that member upon all future occasions? Is a free trade less an object to Ireland, than the petition of rights was to England, or were the people more called upon to deter individuals from selling the country, in the case of violated liberty, than of usurped trade? I do not understand what gentlemen mean by asserting that the elector threatens his representative; suppose great numbers in this House to be under the influence of government, would it not be expedient to counteract that dishonest influence, by the strong impulse of the people, not in order to take away the liberty of acting, but to oppose the tide of corruption, by the tide of the people. I am the more convinced of the propriety of this close connection between the representative and constituent body of Ireland, when I recollect the great purpose you pursue. Is not a

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On thie 10th November, 1779, Mr. KEARNET rose, and after a pathetie enumeration of the severity of the Hearth-money Tax on the lower order of the people, he called on Administration to adopt some mode, by which their sufferings might be relieved.

Upon this occasion, Mr. GRATTAN declared that no man more sincerely considered the burden of that tax than he did, but that this was of all others the time in which the subject of taxation should be totally suspended, and that an awful silence in that instance should prevail through the house. He had heard a Widow Tax being spoken of, but he utterly disapproved of a measure, though it was to exchange one tax for another, taking plate at a time when Parliament had declared, that nothing but a free trade could save this country from impending ruin that the declarations which fell from a member of the administration (the Attorney-General) had given an universal alarm, and that his words had spread like wild fire through all ranks of men that nevy taxes, to the amount of 75,000l, were amounced to be raised at a time of universal bankruptcy.” That an association was already drawn up, that no man would vote, at a future election, for any member who voted for new taxes, or for a money bill for more than six months, which, to his certain knowledge, he was acquainted with therefore he hoped the honorable member would suffer the subject of taxation to remain undisturbed, until

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the House should know what commercial enlargements would be granted to this already undone and unfortunate kingdom.sk

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied: He said he was called upon by matter of a very high nature, whieh had fallen from an honorable member (Mr. Grattan) whose great abilities always excited the highest attention ; be said it had been asserted, that the words which fell from him yesterday, had spread like wild fire, and ereated unusual alarm; he did not kuow that any thing which fell from him, could have alarmed the nation in the manner described--but he heard expressions fall from gentlemen, which should never be spoken within those wails; that freedom of debate was restrained, and outrage held out as a terror to the representatives--that, as a Lawyer, he would take upon him to say, that if he were upon a committee, he would disqualify the elector who had signed such association as the honorable gentleman mentioned, and that he considered such an association illegal.

To this Mr. GRATTAN replied in the following words :-"I have heard the right honorable gentleman, the Attorney-general, eensure a doctrine, which I conceive to be a great and fundamental part of the constitution, and a most powerful instrument of national redress. Where a representative was disposed to act against what was evidently the public interest, the constituents might . and ought to agree with one another, never to return that man toi Parliament. One member of this House may think this doctrine surprising, another member may think it illegal, yet I will persist to maintain, and if necessary, to carry it into execution--that the right to instruct, and to bacle instructions, by further association, not to return the obdurate member--were one and the same-both were the rights of the constituent, to be reserved upon great oc easions, and upon great occasions always to be exercised.

*Suppose, when the petition of right was agitating, a constituent had said to his representative--Sir, this is a measure of the last consequence, I hope you will support it; suppose that member should refuse; in that case have not I a right to declare in writing, with my brother electors, that I will vote against that member upon all future occasions? Is a free trade less an object to Ireland, than the petition of rights was to England, or were the people more called upon to deter individuals from selling the country, in the case of violated liberty, than of usurped trade? I do not understand what gentlemen mean by asserting that the elector threatens his representative; suppose great numbers in this House to be under the influence of government, would it not be expedient to counteract that dishonest influence, by the strong impulse of the people, not in order to take away the liberty of aeting, but to oppose the tide of corruption, by the tide of the people. I am the more convinced of the propriety of this close connection between the representative and constituent body of Ireland, when I recollect the great purpose you pursue. Is not a

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free trade, such an object as requires all the efforts you can legally and constitutionally put forth? are we afraid of our own people? Sir, I respect the gentry of this country, but I respect the people more-Sir, I speak with confidence, that the great object we seek, cannot be obtained by the skill, the prudence, or the dexterity of 300 men, without the spirit and co-operation of three million.

“This is not a time to cry down public associations, under a notion of dictating to Parliament; to what do you owe the present spirited and respectable posture of this country, but to associations; The Parliament had, by its precedent, left this kingdom last Session without an effectual friend in either House of the English Parliament; your loyal addresses; your 300,000l.--the bounty and discretion of Parliament left us without a hope of relief; our cause was scouted out of both Houses in England under our precedence; it was recalled to their consideration by the associations, which raised you an advocate in the King, Lords, and Commons of Great Britain ; these associations went farther; they caused a fortunate change in the circumstances of this house, they inspired us to ask directly for the greatest object that ever was set within the view of Ireland, A FREE TRADE, they inspired the Commons, they animated the Lords, and having made both Houses unanimous in the greatest measure that ever combined a nation; having given fire to that union, they carried you, Sir, the people carried you proudly on their crest, when you proceeded to deliver to his Excellency the great requisition. I could mention other great acquisitions obtained by the people; to the public, the constitutional public, you owe that great law, the Octennial Bill, which was pased by the constituent body, against the wishes of all the estates who assented to it; to say that associations against those who desert the public upon such occasions are contemptible, is idle; the man who despises, or who proposes to des pise such associations, is despicable. Is it a bolder measure to associate against the commerce of England, which almost every man in this House has done, than against the person of any individual sitting in Parliament. With respect to the law, I shall not enter into long arguments upon that head; I know of no law against such associations, I never heard any ground for supposing the law to be against them, I am so convinced of their legality, that if it should become necessary, I should join one as an elector. The right honorable gentleman, who says he would disallow such a vote, will please to recolleet it would not be in his power to do so; for when the vote comes before him, he will be on his oath; as to the pleasure which his declaration of yesterday, "that gentlemen meant to continue the present establishment, and to ask for new taxes, in order to fund the present debt," gave to the public, I have my doubts; What! does the public rejoice that we are to run in debt every Session half a million! Does the public, over whom ruin impends, unless averted by a free trade, find a gratification in knowing, that without a free trade those taxes are

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