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the tallest trees in the forest are overshadowed by the luxuriance of exotics ;-exotics of the worst kind, that would not grow in their native mould;
-hungry and barren--they drain the soil.--they bear no blossom-a-yield no fruit...while you are stụnted and shorn---to make room for the fantastic wreathings of their sterile exuberance.”
When the Opposition, who, at this period, constituted a powerful and unexampled body of talent, of industry, aud zeal, beheld the first and most important characters of their country deprived of their situations under Government, because they did not obey the dictates of the Castle ; when they saw their Duke of Leinster, whose kindness and honesty of heart was the theme of every Irishman---the pride of his country--and the object of universal papegyric— when they saw every man who rendered himself illustrious, by the spirit and independence of his conduct, become the victim of Viceregal vengeance, the leaders of the Irish Opposition thought the period had, arrived, when all that was valuable in mind, in character, and in property, should coalesce to stem the sweeping torrent of corruption---they boldly came together, under the title and denomigation of the Whig Club, and vindicated the rights of Ireland on every occasion. A
the head of this Club, were the late revered and lamented Duke of Leinster the charity and benignity of whose nature, shed a mild and dignified character over all its proceedings~the Earl of Charlemont, Mr. Connolly, Mr. Grat. tan, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Curran, and some others, whose names have extended the literary fame of our country to the remotest corner of the globe. In this association was planned that system of opposition, which for some time suspended the fate of Ireland.—Here was her genius marshalled and arrayed, and armed to fight her battles ; and perhaps few associations have ever exhibited a greater display of talent or zeal in defence of these principles.
Mr. Grattan, speaking of the Whig Club, thus writes :—“ The Minister was the author of it, bis doctrines and his half million were the authors of it; but elubs of this kind are only to be preserved by violence---that violence did happen.--an attack was made on the rights of the city---a doctrine was promulgated, that the Common-council had no right to put a negative on the Lord Mayor, chosen by the Board of Aldermen, except the Board itself should assent to the negative put on its own choice ;---this doctrine was adranced by the Court, to secure the election of the Mayor to itself. In the course
of the contest, a Minister involved himself in a general altercation with the citizens ;-with Mr. Tandy he had carried on a long war, and with various success ;-he was now involved in an altercation more general ;-in the compass of his wrath, be paid his compliments to the Wig Club, and that Club advanced the shield of a free people over the rights of the city, and humbled a Minister, in the presence of those Citizens whose privi. leges he had invaded, and whose powers he had calumniated.”
On the 8d of March, 1789, Mr. Grattan, when bringing forward the following resolution, “ That recommendations for the purpose of granting the great offices of the kingdom, or the reversion of great offices, to absentees, are improvident and pre. judicial, especially now as great annual charges have been incurred by making compensation to absentees for resigning their offices, that those offices might be granted to residents," seized the opportunity to state to the House those principles by which the Opposition had determined to regulate their conduct.-On this occasion, he spoke to the following effect :
“I RISE to offer to the House a resolution which I think absolutely necessary, from a traps. action that has lately taken place. I think it necessary to call to the attention of the House, certain principles, which the gentlemen with whom I have generally the bonor to coincide, consider as the indispensable condition without which no Government could expect their sup. port, and which the present Government have resisted.
166 The first, is a reform of the Police. At present the institution can only be considered as a scheme of patronage to the Castle, and corruption to the City-ma scheme which had failed to answer the end of preserving public peace, but had fully succeeded in extending the influence of the Castle,
“ It had been thrown out on a former occasion, when I had intimated my intention of reforming the police, that the bill to be proposed would be as bad as that at present existing ; but that assertion was not founded in truth. The bill which I will introduce is intended to rescue the corporation of the city out of the court, and to make them responsible to the public for their conduct to restore the peace and liberty of the city, and to guard against any abuse of power in those to whom the guardianship of that peace and liberty should be committed. This bill had, in the last session, been stated as necessary, bat had been . resisted by Lord Buckingham'sı Government; but it shall now be soon intro. duced, . ; - is . ::6 Another principle much desired, was to re. strain the abuse of pensions by a bill similar to that of Great Britain. This principle Lord Buckingham has resisted, and his resistance to: it is one great cause of my opposing his Government.
. . “ To these I will add another principle-The restraining revenue officers from voting at elec. tions; this was a principle of the British Parliament, and it was certainly more necessary here, from what had lately taken place, where, by a certain union of family interests, counties had become boroughs; and those boroughs had become private property.
6 But the principle to which I beg to call! thie immediate attention of the House is, that of preventing the great offices of the State from being given to absentees. This is a principle ad. mitted by all to be founded in nationali ' rights: purchased by liberal compensation ; and every