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cold pestilential consequences in the breast of every subject; he cannot detect, perhaps, but he revolts at the errors of such doctrine, and turns from phantoms set up in the place of princes, and refuses his allegiance to idols, which the pedants of the profession advance in the place of the sovereign of Ireland, or the family of their sovereign.

"Could I agree with the principles of the argument of this night; could I banish from this question all recollection of the royal family and the people; could I conceive that the best system for Ireland would be a Government without monarchical power, and a Parliament without deliberative properties; could I imagine, that on the question of an Irish Regency, we should keep clear of two considerations, the Regent of the kingdom, and only attend to our connection with Great Britain, yet I should abjure this doctrine, and this language, as fatal to this principle; I should think that they brought that very connection, I will not say into danger, but they damp the zeal and extinguish the ardour of it, by the offensive and wanton manner in which such doctrines introduce it. Why make the connection.

with England a wretched theme for sophistry? Why make it a constant opportunity for rebuke? -Why make it a pretence for the humiliation of

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Ireland why introduce it where it is not in danger, and resort to it as a pretence for scolding the people of Ireland ?-Why interrupt a proud day like this, with monstrous doctrine that affects to ground itself on that connection, to which it is highly prejudicial, and tell the people of Ireland"Do not deliberate; do not indulge your temperate ardour to the royal family; do not venture to exercise a free will in favour of your prince; wait for the determinations of another country, and echo them; wait for the great seal of that country, your King-register, recite !"

"This is incensing one country against another, and making the British name an organ for threats, not arguments; denunciations, not affection; and in order to prove the offensiveness of such doctrine, let me suppose that the British nation were to adopt it, and speak to Ireland in the language of the Irish member. How should we feel, how should we resent? but coming from some of our body it is less inflammatory; and yet is there a country gentleman in this house, who is not by such language inflamed; roused with indignation, not borne down by conviction? On its own principles a love for the connection distinct and superior to allegiance or patriotism.I condemn this argument-I think the connection must be the first victim of it. I will banish for a moment from my

mind the principles of public virtue, of allegiance to the crown, and love to the people; I will allow that such a question as the present should be ruled exclusively, with a view to connection; yet as the public mind is already impregnated with those patriot and loyal principles, and as we cannot destroy the criminal tendency of allegiance and patriotisms in the minds of our fellow subjects, let us capitulate with virtues which we cannot extirpate, and instead of placing them in contrast, let us set them in harmony with connection-tell your countrymen that your connection with Great Britain is the source of her liberty-make them proud of standing by the side of England-tell them that' all their passions and interests can be completely gratified and respectively adhered to with the strictest conformity to every principle of connection; and the boldest exercise of freedom, and the noblest indulgence of every loyal affection,: are perfectly conformable to the closest bands with the British connection. This is the way to promote the connection: nations are governed, not by interest only, but by passion also: and the passion of Ireland is freedom; so much her passion is, that if any Parliament could bring this nation, bound hand and foot, to the feet of the throne, with a proffer of her liberties, a wise monarch, who loved power, would reject the

power of her servitude, and set her free to command her absolutely.

"I must abjure the impolicy of the argument I have heard this night--but on principles, as well as policy, I must condemn; and even could I have hesitated before about the propriety of the measures I have submitted, yet now I should think it indispensable to insist upon them, because the doctrine advanced is a challenge to this House :— You are now called upon to assert the rights of your monarchy, to maintain the existence of a King of Ireland, and the imperial rights of the Irish crown; it is no longer about the energy of Government, important as that question may be; it is no longer a question about the dignity of your princes, great and august as their rank and situation and qualities have rendered them; it is a question that comes home to yourself-you must exert an original mind on the subject— you must dare to love the royal family-you must do honour to your priuce, to exert the freedom of your people,"

APRIL 21st, 1789.

BILL for disabling REVENUE OFFICERS

FROM VOTING AT ELECTIONS.

BEFORE we proceed to give the Speech, which Mr. Grattan pronounced on the motion that this Bill should be committed, we shall submit to our readers a statement of those principles by which the Irish opposition at this period regulated their conduct in Parliament.-The administration of the Marquis of Buckingham had become peculiarly odious to the people; the coldness of his de-. meanour, and the natural reserve of his character, alienated the affections of a nation, whose habits and whose manners were distinguished by candour and sincerity.

Those men who observed the Marquis of Buckingham as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, saw every effort of the Viceroy directed to the corruption and debasement of Parliament-to the