and important duties of his station, gave rise to the discussion of a question in the English and Irish Legislature, in which the talents and understanding of both were called forth, in a great and eminent degree.

In this discussion will be seen, the Minister, who contributed more than any of his predecessors to the increase of the influence of the Crown, disputing the rights of the Heir Apparent, and maintaining the wild and abstract theory of popular election, and popular control.

Mr. Pitt will be seen at the head of the House of Commons, dictating to the son of his afflicted Sovereign (whose incapacity to meet his Parliament was proved and acknowledged) the terms and conditions on which he was to assume the powers of Sovereignty, in opposition to the opinions of the first constitutional lawyers of Eng land; he will be seen contending with the ablest statesmen of England, that the Prince of Wales had no right (speaking of strict right) to assume the Government, more than any other individual subject of the country.

However erroneous or presuming that Minister might have been, who maintained a principle such as this however unquestionable, according to the plain and honest spirit of the constitution.: the right of the Prince of Wales to the

free and unshackled exercise of the powers of Sovereignty it flattered the pride of the Eng! lish people, to behold their representatives bounding and circumscribing the authority of Royalty, while it gratified their feelings of affection and respect for their beloved and afflicted Monarch, who was thus secured in his possible restoration to power, when it should please Providence to restore him possession of his reason.

On the other hand, the Irish Parliament will be seen rejecting the example of England, as unconstitutional, and clinging to the son of their Sovereign, with all the warmth-generosity, and ingenuousness of the Irish character. The spirit of sincere, zealous, and grateful loyalty, blendid with the assertion of national rights; and the power of the Throne vindicated and supported by the Irish nation against the usurpation of the Minister, and the dictation of a foreign Legislature.

It is not extraordinary that the sensibility of Ireland, on this occasion, was peculiarly excited, or that Gratitude in enthusiasm should have held up her shield over the son of an afflicted King, in whose reign, whatever of commerce-of constitution-or of justice, which Ireland enjoyed, was conceded; and under whose parental govern ment the majority of the people were resened

from the persecution of a code, which the bigotry, maliguity, and misfortunes of centuries had accumulated. The people of Ireland had

often witnessed the prerogatives of their Sovereign interposing to soften down the asperity of national prejudice; they had frequently felt the cheering and reviving rays which issued from the royal diadem-warmed and animated by the benignity and mercy of the Throne: no wonder, when assailed by the Minister who was notoriously the enemy of Irish Freedom, that they should be seen throwing themselves between that minister and their Sovereign,

and offering their lives and their fortunes in defence of the rights of his Son.

The Prince of Wales was considered, by the Irish Parliament, as the key-stone of the British Empire-the central point of imperial union--the natural Regent, of independent Irelandthus preserving the succession uninterrupted, and the liberties of Ireland unimpaired, and making the eldest son of their King the instru ment by which their liberties were to be perpetuated. Mr. Pitt and the Parliament of England conceived that they best preserved the rights of their Sovereign, and the rights of the people, by limiting and circumscribing the powers of the Regent they thought that jealousy and caution

should be observed when vesting the Prince with the powers of Sovereignty-they therefore proceeded by bill, to grant to the Prince of Wales sach authorities and powers as they pleased to prescribe;-they preferred this line of proceeding to that of confiding in the acknowledged honor and constitutional character of their Prince they preferred a proceeding which obliged them to have recourse to the fiction of the great seal to legalize their act-thus making the great seal, in the hands of commissioners, of equal authority with the great seal, in the hands of their Sovereign.-Ireland proceeded otherwise; she sincerely lamented the incapacity of her Sovereign, but embraced the honor and in tegrity of his son.-The address of the Lords and Commons of Ireland provided for the con tingency of their Monarch's restoration, and the administration of Irish affairs went on without interruption or without injury; the course therefore pointed out and recommended by Mr. Grattan, was by address, which was opposed by all the talents and influence the Ministers could muster-in this discussion Lord Clare dis tinguished himself, both by his zeal and by his talents; and after a struggle, which at once developed the ability and the spirit of Ireland, the address to His Royal Highness the Prince

of Wales was carried by a great majority. The Commons having communicated with the Lords, the Address* to the Prince was agreed to, and the Marquis of Buckingham having refused to transmit the same, commissioners from the Lords and Commons were immediately appointed to present it to His Royal High ness.t

The answers that His Royal Highness gave to the deputation from the Lords and Commons of Ireland, are characterized by that superior tone of dignity, and peculiar elegance of expression, which so highly distinguish the mind and productions of this illustrious Personage ;-perhaps in the empire no man can be found, the sen sibility of whose nature would have been more susceptible of the great and generous and unsuspecting confidence of the Lords and Commons of Ireland.-Certain we are, that no man can be found in his Majesty's dominions, who would so fully, and so accurately, appreciate the offering of a free people, animated by sentiments of honor and allegiance to their Sovereign, as His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

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See Appendix for Address, and the two Answers of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

+ See Appendix for the Answer of the Marquis of Buckingbami to the Irish Parliament.