truth of the Protestant religion, require a mansion ?-Had the first-fruits been, by the richer parts of their own order, and particularly the Bishops, faithfully and justly valued, and applied to the building of churches and the increase of poor livings, the advocates for non-residence would want their voluptuous apology. But it has happened that the first-fruits, by a remote and antiquated valuation, are rendered of no account -they do not, by that valuation, which was made in the reign of Henry VIII. produce more than 4301.; at this day the Bishoprics alone amount to near 70,000l. a year, the first-fruit of which, without going farther, would be a great fund for building of churches and glebe-houses, and increasing poor livings. You see that in fact first-fruits are now a most miserable modus; and it is very remarkable, that the very men whe object to any modus, however rational, in favour of the manufacturer, have themselves set up a modus against the Church-a modus, the most irrational and illiberal, against the poor of their own order, and the House of their own God! "We cannot reside, because we have neither house nor church;" that is, the richer part of your order have taken to themselves the funds of the Church, and now you have no place to pray in.

6

But though I would compel residence, I would compel it by a moderate process; a mode rate tax, to commence after absence for a certain time. I would not leave the dispensing with residence to the Bishop, because I would not put into his hands the talents and suffrages of the parochial clergy-I would not enable him to say, Sir, you have written too freely on constitutional; subjects, you must reside;' or, Sir, you have voted for the popular candidate, and must reside.' I would not make residence an instrument of undue influence, nor would I wish to make the parochial clergy mean and subservient to their Bishop. I would compel residence by a tax, and that should be moderate, with certain allow-ances; my principle with respect to the residence of the minister being this, his parish ought to be his home, but not to be his prison.

"I have submitted the Resolutions-I mean to put the House in possession of them-all I desire. is, that they may have a fair examination-of Government all I ask is impartiality-all I deprecate is predetermination ;-I do not desire that they should assent to either my facts or principles, but I desire a fair trial for both.-I desire moreover, that in holding their deliberation, they may not take into their cabinet the enemy. If these principles are false, they will

die of themselves, without the interposition of Government; if right, they will at last prevail, and then Government would be obliged to retract a resistence precipitately made.-As to the southern peasantry, all I ask on their part is Peace. If the White-boys break out again, I give up this business. I will be the first to support strong measures of coercion.---The gentlemen of the South should inform them, that if they had originally represented the oppressions they suffer under Tithe, by humble petition to Parliament, they must have been redressed; the Parson and the Tithe-farmer would not have chosen to have defended, or to continue demands publicly stigma. tized for extortion and avarice. In a free country, the mere promulgation of injury, is the certainty of redress; but those desperate wretches had not the courage to apply to the Legislature, and had the despair to apply to outrage; the consequence was, as always must be, they consigned their bodies to the hangman, and left to their families a continuation of the grievances; and involved in their disgrace a great part of the peasantry, who were equally oppressed, and entirely innocent. The truth is, the Tithe-farmer had no case but the White-boy; they both stood on the crimes of the other, and murder was a greater offence than extortion.

"With respect to a right reverend bench, I mean a part of that bench, all I ask is temper. I stated several allegations—I am ready to prove them. I stated, that in some parts of the South the demands of Tithe had exceeded the bounds of law; I repeat the allegation. I stated that the proctor had, in many places, demanded and received a Bertain per centage, called proctorage, against law and charity; I repeat that allegation. I stated, that in parts of the South, certain ministers or their proctors had been guilty of exactions which were unconscionable, and I stated also that they had. recently, and greatly and unconscionably increas ed their, ratages; I repeat that allegation. I stated that the Tithe-farmers did very generally, in the parts disturbed, oppress the common people, and had exceeded their legal powers, or had most grossly abused them: these allegations I repeat now-and am ready to go into proofs, whenever gentlemen choose to give me such an opportunity.

"I am not responsible for the precise quantity of every return stated to me.-Some of the statements are official, and cannot be disputed, and are enormous; others come from the oppressed, and may be sanguine; I am not responsible for the precise quantities in such a case ; but I am responsible for this allegation, that

there exists great oppression-I repeat it again, there exists great oppression.

"As to the resolutions which I now submit, and which, next session, I shall move, the right reverend quarter will consider, that some of those propositions are in their principles already the law of England. With what justice can they attempt to deprive Ireland of the benefit of such laws? Ireland, a country requiring so much more encouragement, and paying abundantly more to the Church. A celebrated Bishop in England has calculated, that the income of the Church in England, including all bishopricks, and even the estates of the Universities, would, if distributed, amount to 150l. for each clergyman.. A learned Bishop in Ireland has calculated, that, excluding Bishopricks and Universities, the income of the Church in Ireland would amount to 1487. for each clergyman. Thus, by this calculation, excluding their great riches, I mean the bishopricks, the ministers of the Protestant Church of Ireland have within 21. as much as in England; and, including bishopricks, must have, beyond all comparison, more than in England, where the extent of the cures is incomparably less, even supposing our clergy were all to reside, and while this kingdom has two other orders of priesthood to support. Such of our Bishops