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JULIUS CÆSAR.

Einleitung.

Von Shakspere's Julius Cæsar ist zu Lebzeiten des Dichters keine Einzelausgabe in Quarto erschienen;

das Stück wurde zuerst in der Gesammtausgabe sämmtlicher Dramen des Dichters in Folio im Jahre 1623 veröffentlicht. Unter dem Titel The Tragedie of Julius Cæsar steht es daselbst in der dritten, die Tragedies enthaltenden, Abtheilung, in Acte, aber nicht in Scenen eingetheilt, und ohne Personenverzeichniss. Der Text ist einer der correctesten in der Folio, und Verderbnisse desselben finden sich seltener als in den meisten andern Dramen, welche unmittelbar aus einem Manuscript in jene erste Gesammtausgabe übergegangen sind. Das verhältnissmässig leichtere Verständniss dieses Schauspiels beruht jedoch nicht bloss auf der grösseren Correctheit des Druckes, sondern auch auf dem weniger gedrungenen Styl, der, zugleich mit dem regelmässigeren Verse und der einfacheren Behandlung des Stoffes, dem Julius Cæsar in der Chronologie der Shakspere'schen Dramen einen frühern Platz anweist, als den beiden andern römischen Dramen unseres Dichters, dem Coriolanus und dem Antony and Cleopatra. Wenn jene beiden nach ihrer stylistischen und metrischen Beschaffenheit der letzten Periode in Shakspere's dramatischer Thätigkeit angehören, so ist das vorliegende eher in die mittlere Periode zu setzen; und Tenn auch keine uns überkommene Notiz sich auf ein bestimmtes Jahr der Abfassung und ersten Aufführung des Julius Cæsar deuten lässt, so dienen doch verschiedene hinzutretende äussere Beziehungen zur Bekräftigung dieser aus inneren Gründen sich ergebenden Annahme.

Drayton gab im Jahre 1603 eine neue Bearbeitung seines bereits 1596 unter dem Titel Mortimeriados erschienenen historischen Epos, die er The Barons' Wars nannte, und die die Bürgerkriege König Eduard's II. und seiner Reichsbarone behandelt. Was Drayton in dieser neuen Bearbeitung von Mortimer sagt:

Such one he was, of him we boldy say,

In whose rich soul all sovereign powers did suit,

In whom in peace the elements all lay

So mix'd as none could sovereignty impute;

As all did govern, yet all did obey:

His lively temper was so absolute,

That 't seem'd, when heaven his model first began,

In him it show'd perfection in a man. —

das erinnert in einzelnen Wörtern und Wendungen so geflissentlich an die letzten Worte des Antonius über den gefallenen Brutus in Shakspere's Julius Cæsar (A. 5, Sc. 5):

His life was gentle; and the elements

So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up,
And say to all the world,,,This was a man!"

dass Drayton den Shakspere oder Shakspere den Drayton copirt haben muss. Erstere Annahme stellt sich als die wahrscheinlichere durch den Umstand heraus, dass die citirte Stanze Drayton's in einer späteren Auflage der Barons' Wars vom Jahre 1619, den entsprechenden Versen Shakspere's noch genauer nachgebildet, so lautet:

He was a man (then boldy dare to say),
In whose rich soul the virtues well did suit;
In whom so mix'd the elements did lay,
That none to one could sovereignty impute;
As all did govern, so did all obey:
He of a temper was so absolute,

As that it seem'd, when Nature him began,
She meant to show all that might be in man.

Drayton musste also das Shakspere'sche Drama, das im Drucke erst 1623 erschien, auf der Bühne schon zwanzig Jahre vorher kennen gelernt haben. Nach einer Notiz (22. Mai 1602) im Tagebuche des Theaterdirectors Henslowe, dessen Truppe mit der Shakspere'schen rivalisirte, waren damals vier Autoren, darunter der oben erwähnte Drayton, mit der Abfassung eines Dramas, Cæsar's Fall, für Henslowe's Bühne beschäftigt; veranlasst, wie Collier vermuthet, durch das Glück, das die gleichzeitige Aufführung des Shakspere'schen Dramas auf dem Cobustheater machte. Ebenso mag, nach einer plausibeln Hypothese Collier's, die damalige Popularität des Makspere'schen Julius Cæsar, dessen Veröffentlichung durch den Druck die Schauspieler des Globus- und blackfriarstheaters in ihrem Interesse zu verhindern wussten, ein Motiv gewesen sein, dass ein anderes Drama desselben Inhalts von dem schottischen Dichter Lord Stirling im Jahre 1504 gedruckt erschien.

Wie bei den beiden andern römischen Dramen, so benutzte bei diesem unser Dichter als Quelle den Plutarch in der englischen Uebersetzung des Sir Thomas North, und zwar die Biographieen des Cäsar, des Brutus c des Antonius. Er hielt sich, so weit es mit der dramatischen Gestaltung des Stoffes vereinbar war, so genau a den Inhalt, theilweise an das Wort, seines Autors, dass es sich empfiehlt, zur Vergleichung des Dichters mit des Historiker einige den einzelnen Acten und Scenen entsprechende Stellen des Plutarchischen Buches hier mitzutheilen Zu A. I, Sc. 1. Die Demonstration der Tribunen erzählt Plutarch so: After that, there were set ty images of Cæsar in the city with diadems upon their heads, like kings. Those the two tribunes, Flarin and Marullus, went and pulled down; and furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted Cæsar a king, they committed them to prison.

Zu A. 1, Sc. 2. Ueber das Lupercalienfest sagt Plutarch: At that time the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, the which in old time, men say, was the feast of shepherds or herdsmen, and is much like un' the feast of the Lycæians in Arcadia. But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noblemen's sons young men (and some of them magistrates themselves that govern there), which run naked through the city, striking in sport them they meet in their way with leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them gi e place. And many noble women and gentlewomen also go of purpose to stand in their way, and do pu forth their hands to be stricken, as scholars hold them out to their schoolmaster to be stricken with the ferula, persuading themselves that being with child they shall have good delivery; and so being barres, that it will make them to conceive with child.

Cæsar sat to behold that sport upon the pulpit for Orations, in a chair of gold, apparelled in triumphant manner. Antonius, who was consul at that time, was one of them that ran this holy course

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Zu dem Gespräche des Brutus und Cassius lieferte Plutarch folgende Grundzüge: Cassius asked him f he were determined to be in the Senate-house the 1st day of the month of March, because he heard say that Caesar's friends should move the council that day that Cæsar should be called king by the Senate Brutus answered him he would not be there. But if we be sent for (said Cassius), how then? For my self then (said Brutus), I mean not to hold my peace, but to withstand it, and rather die than lose my liberty. Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word, Why (quoth he), what Roman is he alre that will suffer thee to die for thy liberty? What? knowest thou not that thou art Brutus? Thinkest thos that they be cobblers, tapsters, or such-like base mechanical people, that write these bills and scrolls which are found daily in thy prætor's chair, and not the noblest men and best citizens that do it? No; be th well assured that of other prætors they look for gifts, common distributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see fencers fight at the sharp, to show the people pastime: but at thy hands they specially require (as a due debt unto them) the taking away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer as extremity for thy sake, so that thou wilt show thyself to be the man thou art taken for, and that they hope

thou art.

Cäsar's Widerwillen gegen Cassins berührt Plutarch ebenfalls: Cæsar also had Cassius in great jealousy and suspected him much: whereupon he said on a time to his friends, What will Cassius do, think ye! I like not his pale looks. Another time, when Cæsar's friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief towards him, he answered them again, As for those fat me and smooth-combed heads, quoth he, I never reckon of them; but these pale-visaged and carrion-lean people, I fear them most, meaning Brutus and Cassius.

Zu Casca's Bericht gewährte Plutarch folgende Umrisse: So when he (scil. Antonius) came into the market-place, the people made a lane for him to run at liberty, and he came to Cesar, and presented hist diadem wreathed about with laurel. Whereupon there was a certain cry of rejoicing, not very great, dow only by a few appointed for the purpose. But when Cæsar refused the diadem, then all the people together made an outcry of joy. Then Antonius offering it him again, there was a second shout of joy, but yet of s few. But when Cusar refused it again the second time, then all the whole people shouted. Caesar, haring made this proof, found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out of his chair, and com manded the crown to be carried unto Jupiter in the Capitol.

When they had decreed divers honours for him in the Senate, the consuls and prætors, accompanies with the whole assembly of the Senate, went unto him in the market-place, where he was set by the pul for Orations, to tell him what honours they had decreed for him in his absence. But he, sitting still his majesty, disdaining to rise up unto them when they came in, as if they had been private men, answer them, that his honours had more need to be cut off than enlarged. This did not only offend the Senate but the common people also, to see that he should so lightly esteem of the magistrates of the commonwealth insomuch as every man that might lawfully go his way departed thence very sorrowfully. Thereup also Cæsar, rising, departed home to his house, and, tearing open his doublet collar, making his neck ba he cried out aloud to his friends that his throat was ready to offer to any man that would come and cut Notwithstanding, it is reported that afterwards, to excuse his folly, he imputed it to his disease, says that their wits are not perfect which have this disease of the falling evil, when, standing on their fo they speak to the common people, but are soon troubled with a trembling of their body, and a sudden dimness and giddiness.

Zu A. 1, Sc. 3. Ueber die der Ermordung Cäsar's vorhergehenden Phänomene bemerkt Plutarch Certainly, destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, considering the strange and wonderful signs the were said to be seen before Cæsar's death. For, touching the fires in the element, and spirits running and down in the night, and also the solitary birds to be seen at noon days sitting in the great marke place, are not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful chance as happened? E Strabo the philosopher writeth that divers men were seen going up and down in fire; and, furthermore

that there was a slave of the soldiers that did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it thought he had been burned; but when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt.

Zu A. 2, Sc. 1. Die schriftlichen Mahnungen, welche Brutus von unbekannter Hand erhielt, der Beschluss der Verschworenen, Cicero fern zu halten, Brutus' Fürwort zur Schonung des Antonius, sind ebenfalls aus Plutarch entlehnt, der die Stellung des Brutus zu den Uebrigen sowie sein Verhältniss zur Portia so schildert: Furthermore, the only name and great calling of Brutus did bring on the most of them to give consent to this conspiracy: who having never taken oaths together, nor taken or given any caution or assurance, nor binding themselves one to another by any religious oaths, they all kept the matter so secret to themselves, and could so cunningly handle it, that notwithstanding the gods did reveal it by manifest signs and tokens from above, and by predictions of sacrifices, yet all this would not be believed. Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his take all the noblest, valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did venture their lives, weighing with himself the greatness of the danger, when he was out of his house, he did so frame and fashion his countenance and looks that no man could discern he had anything to trouble his mind. But when night came, that he was in his own house, then he was clean changed; for either care did wake him against his will when he would have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that might happen, that his wife, lying by him, found that there was some marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself. His wife, Portia, was the daughter of Cato, whom Brutus married, being bit cousin, not a maiden, but a young widow, after the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom she bad also a young son called Bibulus, who afterwards wrote a book of the acts and gests of Brutus, extant at this present day. This young lady being excellently well seen in philosophy, loving her husband well, and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise, because she would not ask her husband what he ailed before the had made some proof by herself, she took a little razor, such as barbers occupy to pare men's nails, and, causing her maids and women to go out of her chamber, gave herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she was straight all of a gore of blood, and incontinently after a vehement fever took her by reason of the pain of her wound. Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that he could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all she spake in this sort unto him: · I, being, O Brutus, (said

he, the daughter of Cato, was married unto thee; not to be thy bedfellow and companion in bed and at beard only, like a harlot, but to be partaker also with thee of thy good and evil fortune. Now for thyself I can find no cause of fault in thee touching our match; but, for my part, how may I show my duty towards thee, and how much I would do for thy sake, if I cannot constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee which requireth secrecy and fidelity? I confess that a woman's wit commonly is too weak to keep a secret safely; but yet (Brutus) good education, and the company of virtuous men, have some power to reform the defect of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit moreover, that I am the daughter of Cato and wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did not trust to any of these things before, until that now I have found by experience that no pain or grief whatsoever can overcome me. With these words the showed him her wound on her thigh, and told him what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she said unto him, and, lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought the gods to give is the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good pass that he might be found a husband worthy of to noble a wife as Portia: so he then did comfort her the best he could.

Das Zusammentreffen des Brutus mit Ligarius erzählt Plutarch so: Now amongst Pompey's friends there was one called Caius Ligarius, who had been accused unto Cæsar for taking part with Pompey, ad Cæsar discharged him. But Ligarius thanked not Cæsar so much for his discharge, as he was ended with him for that he was brought in danger by his tyrannical power; and therefore in his heart ke was always his mortal enemy, and was besides very familiar with Brutus, who went to see him, being sick in his bed, and said unto him, Ligarius, in what a time art thou sick! Ligarius, rising up in his bed, and taking him by the right hand, said unto him, Brutus (said he), if thou hast any great enterprise in hand worthy of thyself, I am whole.

Za A. 2, Sc. 2 vgl. bei Plutarch: Then going to bed the same night, as his manner was, and lying with his wife Calpurnia, all the windows and doors of his chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and made him afraid when he saw such light; but more, when he heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and sigh, and put forth many grumbling lamentable speeches, for she deemed that Caesar was slain, and that she had him in her arms. Others also do deny that she had any such dream, as, amongst other, Titus Livius writeth that it was in this sort: The Senate having set upon the top of Cæsar's house, for an ornament and setting forth of the same, a certain pinnacle, Calpurnia dreamed that she saw it broken down, and that she thought she lamented and wept for it; insomuch that, Cæsar rising in the morning, she prayed him, if it were possible, not to go out of the doors that day, but to adjourn the se sion of the Senate until another day; and if that he made no reckoning of her dream, yet that he would search further of the soothsayers by their sacrifices to know what should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed that Cæsar likewise did fear and suspect somewhat, because his wife Calpurnia, until that time, was never given to any fear or superstition; and that then he saw her so troubled in mind with this dream she had, but much more afterwards when the soothsayer, having sacrificed many beasts one after another, told him that none did like them. Then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the session of the Senate; but in the mean time came Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, in whom Cæsar put such confidence that in his last will and testament he had appointed him to be his next heir, and yet was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus. He, fearing that, if Cæsar did adjourn the session that day, the conspiracy would be betrayed, laughed at the soothsayers, and reproved Caesar, saying that he gave the Senate

occasion to mislike with him, and that they might think he mocked them, considering that by his command ment they were assembled, and that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and to proclaim him king of all the provinces of the empire of Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear his diadem in all other places, both by sea and land; and, furthermore, that if any man should tell them from him they should depart for that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should have better dreams, what would his enemies and ill-willers say, and how could they like of his friend's words? and who could persuade them otherwise, but that they would think his dominion a slavery unto them, and tyrannical in himself? And yet, if it be so, said he, that you utterly mislike of this day, it is better that you go yourself in person, and, saluting the Senate, to dismiss them till another time. Therewithal he took Cæsar by the hand, and brought him out of his house.

Zu A. 2, Sc. 3. Den vergeblichen Versuch des Artemidorus, Cäsar zu warnen, berichtet Plutarch ebenso. Zu A. 3, Sc. 1. Für diese Scene fand Sh. im Plutarch einen doppelten Bericht vor, in dem Leben des Cäsar wie in dem des Brutus, und benutzte den einen wie den andern. Der letzterwähnte lautet folgendermassen: A senator called Popilius Lana, after he had saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do, he rounded softly in their ears, and told them, I pray the gods you may go through with that have taken in hand; but, withal, despatch, I rede you, for your enterprise is bewrayed. When you he had said, he presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out When Cæsar came out of his litter, Popilius Læna (that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise to pass) went unto Cæsar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave good ear unto him; wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called), not hearing what he said to Cæsar, but conjecturing by that he had told them a little before that his tall was none other but the very discovery of their conspiracy, they were afraid every man of them; and one looking in another's face, it was easy to see that they all were of a mind that it was no tarrying for them till they were apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius and certain other clapped their gowns to draw them, Brutus marking the countenance and gesture of Læna, and considering that he did use himself rather like an accuser, he said nothing to his com panions (because there were many amongst them that were not of the conspiracy), but with a pleasant countenance encouraged Cassius, and immediately after Lana went from Cæsar, and kissed his hand, which showed plainly that it was for some matter concerning himself that he had held him so long in talk Now all the senators being entered first into this place or chapter-house where the council should be kept, all the other conspirators straight stood about Cæsar's chair, as if they had had something to say unto him; and some say that Cassius, casting his eyes upon Pompey's image, made his prayer unto it as if it had been alive. Trebonius, on the other side, drew Antonius aside as he came into the house where the Senate sat, and held him with a long talk without. When Cæsar was come into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him at his coming in; so, when he was set, the conspirators flocked about him, and amongst them they presented one Tullius (Metellus) Cimber, who made humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that was banished. They all made as though they were intercessors for him, and took Cæsar by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Cæsar, at the first, simply refused their kindness and entreaties; but afterwards, perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from him. Then Cimber, with both his hands, plucked Casar's gown over his shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him drew his dagger first, and strake Cæsar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Cæsar, feeling himself hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his dagger in, and cried out in Latin, O traitor Casca, what dost thou? Casca on the other side cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him. So divers running on a heap together to fly upon Cæsar, he, looking about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand ready to strike at him: then he let Casca's hand go, and, casting his gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at him that would. Then the conspirators thronging one upon azother, because every man was desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus caught a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murthering of him, and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied. Cæsar being slain in this manner, Brutus, standing in the midst of the house, would have spoken, and stayed the other senators that were not of the conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact; but they, as men both afraid and amazed, fled one upon another's neck in haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them; for it was set down and agreed between them that they should kill no man but Cæsar only, and should entreat all the rest to look to defend their liberty. All the conspirators, but Brutus, determining upon this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because he was a wicked man, and that in nature favoured tyranny. Besides, also, for that he was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long time amongst them, and especially having a mind bent to great enterprises; he was also of great authority at that time, being consul with Cæsar. But Brutus would not agree to it: first, for that he said it was not honest; secondly, because he told them there was hope of change in him, for he did not mistrust but that Antonius, being a noble-minded and courageous man, (when he should know that Caesar was dead) would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having them an example unto him to follow their courage and virtue. So Brutus by this means saved Antonius' life, who at that present time disguised himself and stole away; but Brutus and his consorts, having their swords bloody in their hands, went straight to the Capitol, persuading the Romans as they went to take their liberty again.

Zu A. 3, Sc. 2. Zu den Reden des Brutus und Antonius bot Plutarch unserem Dichter nur schwache Andeutungen; von dem Inhalt der ersteren ist nichts gesagt; in Bezug auf den Anschlag des Antonius und dessen Erfolg hat Plutarch nur Folgendes: The second fault was when he agreed that Cæsar's funerals should be

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