"with Great Britain, on the continuance and inseparability of "which depended the happiness and prosperity of that kingdom; "that they would oppose every attempt towards such a dangerous "innovation, and that they would support with their lives and "fortunes the present constitution, and the settlement of the "throne on his majesty's Protestant house." The freeholders of the county of Limerick charged the Catholic committee with an intention to over-awe the legislature, to force a repeal of the penal laws, and to create a Popish democracy for their government and direction in pursuit of whatever objects might be holden out to them by turbulent and seditious men. They then instructed their representatives in parliament, "at all events, to "oppose any proposition which might be made for extending to "Catholics the right of elective franchise:" at this meeting the chancellor was present. The corporation of Dublin in strong terms denied the competency of parliament to extend the right of franchise to the Catholics, which they called "alienating their "most valuable inheritance;" and roundly asserted against the fact, that "the last session of parliament left the Roman "Catholics in no wise different from their Protestant fellow-subjects, save only in the exercise of political power."

Some of the grand juries indignantly rejected the proposals made to them of coming to any resolutions injurious to their Catholic brethren. Agents had been employed to tamper with every grand jury that met during the summer assizes. Nothing could tend more directly than this measure of pre-engaging the sentiments of the country against three millions of its inhabitants, to raise and foment discord and disunion between Protestants and Catholics. Counter-resolutions, answers and replies, addresses and protestations, were published and circulated in the public papers* from some grand jurymen, and from many different bodies of Catholics; several bold and severe publications appeared during the course of the summer, not only from individuals of the Catholic body, but from the friends of their cause amongst the Protestants. It is scarcely questionable but that the virulent and acrimonious opposition raised against the Catholic petition for a very limited participation of the elective franchise, enlivened the sense of their grievances, opened their views, and united their energies into a common effort to procure a general repeal of the whole penal code. The late earl of Clare, Mr. Foster, and some others, who were generally con

The colums of the daily newspapers were filled with charges, defences, and recriminations, which fatally proved the extensive influence and unwearied exertions of that part of Protestant Ireland, which was in possession of the political power and its attendant sweets, against three millions and a half at least of their countrymen. Specimens are to be seen in Appendix, No. XC.

sidered as the monopolizers of the political power of the state, were prominently conspicuous in attending the meetings, at which some of the strongest resolutions were entered into. It was the general conviction of the people, that all the grand juries throughout the nation had been packed, to extinguish even in embryo the Catholics' hope of further emancipation. Reflection aggravates oppression: and the removal of a trivial portion of an overpo vering burden, so far from relieving, renders the oppressed more sensible of the remaining load.

Of all the publications which were dispersed in the course of the year, none produced a stronger impression on the public mind than a Digest of the Popery Laws, made by Mr. Simon Butler, the chairman of the Society of the United Irishmen, which was published by order of that society. It was a very correct analysis of those laws: it consequently brought into view all the penalties and disabilities, to which the body remained still subject, after the puny relief of the pompous bill of sir Hercules Langrishe. It would be unfair, if the historian were to represent the transactions of a particular period from consequences that appeared at a distant interval of time, and the subsequent fate of many of the actors in the scenes. It is his duty faithfully to represent them as they really passed at the time. Merit and demerit can only attach from previous or co-existing circumstances; not from the posthumous issue engendered in the womb of time by future base and unavowed connexions. It was not because an individual was guilty of treason in the year 1798, that every previous act or transaction, in which that individual was concerned for the twenty, ten, or five preceding years, was affected with the venom of his latter crime. Whatever opinions may be formed of the motives, views, and conduct of particular bodies of men by others, it is first requisite to know, at least, those which they themselves profess and fairly avow. A vindication of the conduct and principles of the Roman Catholics of Ireland from the charges made against them by certain late grand juries, and other interested bodies in that country, was published by order of the committee.*

In this work they sum up a recapitulation of the grievances by which they were still affected; and then conclude: "Such is the situation of three millions of good and faithful subjects in their native land! Excluded from every trust, power, or emolument of the state, civil or military; excluded from all the benefit of the constitution in all its parts; excluded from all corporate rights and immunities; expelled from grand juries, restrained in petit juries; excluded from every direction, from every trust, from every incorporated society, from every establishment occasional or fixed, instituted for public defence, public police, public morals, or public convenience; from the Bench, from the Bank, from the Exchange, from the University, from the College of Physicians from what are they not excluded? There is no institution, which the wit of man has invented, or the progress of society produced, which pri

It was matter of curious speculation to reflect upon the bold and confident assurance with which the Catholics now represent

vate charity or public munificence has founded for the advancement of education, learning, and good arts, for the permanent relief of age, infirmity, or misfortune, for the superintendence of which, and all cases where common charity would permit, from the enjoyment of which the legislature has not taken care to exclude the Catholics of Ireland. Such is the state which the corporation of Dublin have thought proper to assert, "differs in no respect from that of the Protestants, save only in the exercise of political power;" and the host of grand juries consider "as essential to the existence of the "constitution, to the permanency of the connexion with England, and the "continuation of the throne in his majesty's royal house." A greater libel on the constitution, the connexion or the succession, could not be pronounced, nor one more pregnant with dangerous and destructive consequences, than his, which asserts, that they are only to be maintained and continued by the slavery and oppression of three millions of good and loyal subjects.

It is the duty of the general committee to reply to those objections made against their present proceedings which appear to have any weight:-In the first place, it is asserted, that they are "a Popish Congress, formed for the "purpose of over-awing the legislature." Without descending to observe on the invidious appellation of " a Popish Congress," they consider the intention to over-awe parliament as the substantial part of the charge. Against the truth of this accusation they do most solemnly protest. They utterly abjure, disclaim, and renounce the holding such an intention; and they call upon their enemies to point out the word, action, or publication of the Catholics of Ire. land, which can, before rational and dispassionate minds, be construed to bear such an absurd and wicked import. If none such can be shewn, if the conduct of the Catholics for a century past has been uniformly peaceable, dutiful, and submissive, they trust their views and motives will be fairly judged on their own merits, and not on forced constructions, unwarranted by the actions, and thus solemnly again disclaimed as the intention of the Committee.

"They are charged with exciting discontent, tumult, and sedition. After the enumeration of grievances, under which the Catholics of Ireland labour, it is attributing too much to this committee, to say that they are the cause of the present discontents. As to tumult and sedition, they challenge those who make the assertion to shew the instance. Where have there been riots, or tumults, or seditions, which can in the most remote degree be traced to the proceedings or publications of this committee? They know too well how fatal to their hopes of emancipation any thing like disturbance must be. Independent of the danger to those hopes, it is more peculiarly their interest to preserve peace and good order, than that of any body of men in the community. They have a large stake in the country, much of it vested in that kind of property which is most peculiarly exposed to danger from popular tumult. The general committee would suffer more by one week's disturbance than all the members of the two houses of parliament.

"But the most complete refutation of this unjust charge is the very measure, which is made the pretence for bringing it forward, When the humble petition already recited was in the last session presented to parliament, it was rejected with circumstances of peculiar disgrace and ignominy; and, as one reason for that rejection, it was insisted, that the petitioners did not speak the sense of the Catholic body; it therefore became necessary to ascertain what the sense of that body was, and the committee submit, whether a plan for collecting the general sentiment could be devised more quiet, peaceable, orderly, and efficacious, than summoning from each county and city of Ireland, the most respectable and intelligent gentlemen, who, from their situation and connexions, best knew the wishes of their countrymen, and from their property must be most desirous and most capable of securing tranquillity and good order. But in a case like the present, there is no argument so powerful

ed their grievances, which some few years before they had scarcely dared to mention or allude to.*

The Catholic committee became obnoxious to government in proportion to the sympathy and connexion which it was supposed existed between them and the Society of United Irishmen, and other political clubs which then existed for promoting civil freedom. In fact several of their leading members took public occasions of expressing the gratitude which the Catholics felt for the liberal and warm exertions of those societies in their favour. On the 23d of March, 1792, in a debate of the committee, Mr. Keogh said, that for a late publication, (the digest of the Popery laws) the United Irishmen and their respectable chairman, Mr. Simon

as the fact. The choice of the Catholics has been universally made without a single instance of irregularity or disorder. There is more riot and disturbance in one day at a contested election for a common potwalloping borough, than occurred in chusing delegates to the committee from the thirty two counties, and every great city of this kingdom."

* Soon after the rejection of the committee's petition to parliament, it was published with a very strong preface, little calculated to sooth the minds of those who chiefly opposed it in parliament. In that preface, this language is holden.

"The original intention was, that the petition should have been presented the first day of the session. At that time nothing had yet appeared of that strong expression of opinion which those who delight in figurative modes of speech, would call the sense of the house. The happy arts, by which the minds of men have been filled with alarm and confusion had not been extended beyond the constituent part of the Protestant commons. No advantage had been gained against the Roman Catholics in any other place. No man had yet made a forced march....to pre-occupy the ground....to seize upon the measure....in order, as it were, on the post and citadel of relief, to open a battery upon the Roman Catholics. In appearance to slabber them over with the gross and filthy slaver of a canting simulated affection, but in reality to corrode their fame with the venom of slanderous aspersion....to play fast and loose with names and things....to trick out a vain and spurious image of departed aristocracy; to call it the real Catholics; and (with a strange mixture of absurdity and impudence) to refuse their name to the people themselves.... to damn the deluded few with fraudulent praise....to brand the guiltless many with false imputation....to hold out to the Protestant mind delusive securities, to refuse real fears....in one hand to carry liberality, toleration, grace and favour; and with the other, to scatter division, distraction, suspicion, and discontent. Such is the epitome of the game which has been played against the Catholics. It was a thing to be desired, that if possible, they should have anticipated by the promptitude of their movements, this complicated involution of hostile manœuvre. That not being the case, the enemies of the Catholics (and therefore the enemies of their country) have gained a momentary advantage..., but one which may end in their shame and confusion.

"To develope this whole mystery of criminal folly, unravel the perplexed labyrinth of passion, absurdity and fraud, through which it has been thought expedient to wind the question of the Roman Catholics, will be the task of a leisure hour. Many are the paths that lead to death, and many are the ways by which a kingdom may be brought to the ground. Amongst these not the least effectual is, in a great national crisis....the substitution of a low craft, the little tricks of state, the miserable equivocation of double politics, in the room of true policy; that is to say, the generous manly decisions of honour, truth, and justice."

Butler, demanded their warmest gratitude. It was natural for persons staggering under oppression, cordially to grasp every hand that held out relief. Amidst the variety of these political societies, there were few that admitted Catholics amongst them. The Whig Club would not even permit the Catholic question to be agitated amongst them.* Had it been true, as it is fashionable with the traducers of the Irish nation, to assert that there was as much treason in Dublin in 1792, as in the year 1798, and that these political clubs or societies were the hot-beds of rebellion, it would be an high, though unintended compliment to the Catholics, who were generally excluded from them.

To such alarming excesses had the French revolution now been pushed, that every symptom of sympathizing with that cause became in the eyes of government a crime little short of treason.

In November, 1792, at a meeting of the Whig Club, Mr. Huband observ. ed, that in that critical period it became necessary for them to remember, that they were looked up to as the leaders of the nation, as an association in which the rank, the property, and the talents of the kingdom were concentrated. A question of superior magnitude was never agitated by the community, and was at the next session to be agitated in parliament, he meant the Catholic question; a question which ultimately was to decide whether the inhabitants of that country were ever to be worthy of the name of a people or not? He therefore hoped that the sense of the meeting would be taken as to what line of conduct they would adopt in parliament next winter.

Some gentlemen decidedly asserted, that they did not think the Catholie question ought to be mentioned or discussed in the Whig Club. They were averse to their having any concern in it, and one went so far as to say, that if it were admitted to be debated in that society, he would with his own hand strike his name out of the list of the members

On which Mr. A Ham. Rowen observed, that he would be as tenacious as any other gentleman, of remaining in any society where improper subjects were proposed for discussion; but that for his part, he would not hesitate to strip off his Whig Club uniform, and throw it to the waiter, if the Catholic question were deemed an unfit subject for their discussion.

Mr. W. Brown called the attention of gentlemen to the purpose of their association. They placed themselves in the front of the public cause, to further it, not to stop its further progress; the second principle of their declaration was, a solemn engagement to support the rights of the people, &c. Who, said he, are the people? I dare any gentleman to name the people of Ireland without including the Roman Catholics. What! is it a question, shall three millions of Irishmen continue slaves or obtain their freedom! Is it a question to be deserted by men professing patriotism, professing to redress the public oppression, pledged to stand together in defence of their country's liberties? No; it

is not.

To desert the cause of the Catholics, would be to desert the principles of their institution, it would be to deserve the calumny thrown against them by their enemies, that they were an opposition struggling for power, not a band of patriots for the public weal; it would rob their names of honour, their rank and wealth of consequence, and it would finally sink them from a station of political importance, down to the obscurity and insignificance of an interested and impotent party.

On the question being put, whether the Catholic question should be taken into consideration or not on Wednesday fortnight, it was negatived on a division by thirteen.